The language of Lord Althorp, himself a strong reformer, was well calculated to check the desire for further change. On Mr Grote's motion for the introduction of the Ballot in 1833, he thus expressed himself

Since he had had the honour of a seat in that house, there had been one division on this question, on the motion of an hon. and learned gentleman opposite, (Mr O'Connell,) in which he had voted for the adoption of the ballot, and he had since expressed himself in favour of that mode of taking votes; but he had never stated or urged it as a sine quâ non of good government. When the question of Reform of Parliament was before the House, though there were some who wished that that measure should have gone a great deal further, there was a readiness, for the sake of the great measure of Reform, to abandon the ballot; that was, in fact, the universal feeling of the country. If that was the case, if they, uniting with the great majority of reformers, (for those who espoused the ballot were not the majority of the reformers,)if, uniting with them, they obtained the measure of Reform, it could not be right and proper, or just and fair, to turn round and say, "having obtained this advantage, we will make use of it in order to obtain the ballot." It had been stated by the hon. member who brought forward this motion, that when his noble friend introduced the Reform Bill, he said that this was a question not immediately connected with that measure. But he appealed to every gentleman who was in the last Parliament, and who knew the whole proceedings while the question of Reform was going on, whether the promoter of that measure did not contend, that, as far as the representation of the people was concerned, it was considered and proposed as a final measure. He had stated that frequently to the House. It might be said, undoubtedly, that the vote he should give to-night would be inconsistent with that which he had given on the motion of the hon. and learned gentlemen; but if he were now to vote for the motion of the hon. gentleman, he should be acting more inconsistently with every thing he had stated during the whole progress of the measure of Reform.'*

Thus, Lord Althorp interpreted more extensively than any one has done since, the virtual engagement that the Reform Bill was to be carried as a final measure.

His declarations, those of Lord Grey, and those which have been since made, seem to have set at rest the formidable proposal of a New Reform Bill. During the last five years, no serious discussion has taken place in the House of Commons upon extension of suffrage, or the duration of Parliament. These seem to have settled down into acquiescence, more or less cordial, in the settlement of 1832. Few examples will be found in history of so great a change, accomplished with so little disturbance.

* Hansard, third series, Vo'. xvii. p. 657.

The importance of the reform effected in the representation, can only be measured in a long course of years. On the one hand, it must be admitted that the influence of a free press, and the long habits of Parliamentary discussion, mitigated the evils of a sham representation. On the other hand, the change made was of such a nature that the influence of property was rather diffused than diminished. But the intelligence and union of the new classes of voters will, in any future struggle, ensure the ascendency of the public cause against the cause of any court, or any class, or any individual. It is only when the people themselves are divided or indifferent, that partial interests will have a chance of success.

The abolition of Slavery will ever be one of the most remarkable events in the history of mankind. The conversion of the great majority of the inhabitants of our West India Islands from slaves into freemen-the short period in which the change was accomplished-the voluntary gift of Twenty Millions sterling for so generous a purpose-the acquiescence of a body of men who had hitherto resisted any invasion of that which they deemed their property-the peaceable, honest, Christian joy of the emanci pated negro, free from scourge, free from outrage-the exchange of slavish fears and disguised hatred, for willing obedience to law and the bonds of brotherly love-these are events in the history of a nation which indeed show that peace has her victories!

Of the other great changes introduced under the administration of Lord Grey and Lord Althorp, we have scarcely room to speak. The retrenchment of useless offices-the reduction of salaries the opening of the China trade-the review of the Bank Charter-the restoration and amendment of the Poor Lawsthe mitigation of the Criminal Law-the improvements in other departments of law and administration-will have their place in the history of these times. When compared with the doings of any Tory administration, during any four years, or any forty years of their rule previously to the Reform Act, the measures introduced and carried by a Whig government, between November 1830 and November 1834, appear truly astonishing.

But, for our imperfect and limited sketch, it is more appropriate to notice the spirit in which these measures were proposed, than to portray, with correctness, their separate details. That spirit was the spirit of English freedom, for which Hampden and Sydney laid down their lives; for the sake of which a faithless King was banished, and the power of France successfully defied. It was that spirit which roused Chatham to oppose the oppression of America, and Fox to vindicate the outraged constitution of his country. Lord Grey learned from Fox, as Fox had learned

from Burke, the task of defending and improving the laws of England; the limits to which popular rights should be carried; and the bounds within which popular license should be restrained. It was neither for democracy nor aristocracy, not for the liberty of ancient republics nor for the perfection of an ideal commonwealth, that Lord Grey and Lord Spencer administered the affairs of England. It was to purify and to maintain the English constitution that they gave their lives to labour, and exposed their names to the reproach of the prejudiced, the timid, and the interested.

We have said, at the commencement of this article, that the time has not arrived for biography. When that time shall come we have no fears that the reputation of the statesmen, who have lately been removed from among us, will be diminished by the more intimate knowledge of their lives. The publication of the Diaries and Memoranda of Sir Samuel Romilly, by his sons, has tended to throw a fuller light upon the pure integrity, the scorn of baseness, the love of truth, and the enlightened opinions which distinguished that excellent man. The records of the early studies, and mature efforts, of Mr Horner, have preserved, for lasting memory, the example of an understanding almost mathematical in the strictness and severity of its political reasoning, combined with a soul the most lofty in its aspirations, the most indignant in its hatred of oppression, and the most disinterested in the pursuit of the people's welfare. Neither of these men belonged, by any hereditary tie, to the Whig party; they joined it from sympathy in a public cause, and were faithful to that party, and that cause, to the last moment of their lives. Earl Grey and Earl Spencer were Whigs from their first arriving at an age to take an interest in political questions. But their mature convictions did not belie their early impressions. When Lord Grey, at sixty-six years of age, undertook a difficult and responsible office; and when Earl Spencer, relinquishing the calm tenor of his private life, gave up his beloved pursuits for a great duty, and a manifest peril—they relied on the patriotism and zeal of the Whig party. Men may differ about the wisdom of their parliamentary measures, or the ability of their civil administration; but the noble, exalted, stainless spirit of these two men, must always be venerated as long as public virtue is admired, and the name of England has its place in history.

No. CLXVIII. will be published in April.

VOL. LXXXIII. NO. CLXVII.

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THE

EDINBURGH REVIEW,

APRIL, 1846.

No. CLXVIII.

ART. I.-The Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal of England. From the Earliest Times till the Reign of King George IV. By JOHN LORD CAMPBELL, A.M., F.R.S.E. First Series. Three volumes 8vo. London: 1845.

TH HE Legal Magistracy of France, with its virtuous Chancellors and courageous Presidents, was one of the chief glories of the ancient Monarchy. Their names are a line of light along French history; and, while no system can keep up a race of L'Hopitals and D'Aguesseaus, it is more than mere good fortune to have produced them once.

If the renown of English lawyers has been less national than professional, this is not from any want of national encouragement. There have been books written, expressly to declare the 'Grandeur of the Law.' Its escutcheon is hung out to the world, emblazoned from top to bottom with legal fortunes and legal peerages. Names already noble, like that of Scrope, are among its early dignitaries: for many Judges, as well as Chancellors, were once as often in coat-armour as in their robes. Apprentices to the Law might have to work up their way to rank and fortune on harder terms, than was agreeable to persons of knightly birth and breeding :-But, by the time of Fortescue, the Law had be

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