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the other four, viz. Thomas Winter, Keyes, Rockwood, and Fawkes, were executed in the palace-yard at Westminster.

Now were Garnet and Hall had in examination, and that several times, from the first of February to March the twenty-sixth. In all which Garnet shewed by the wiliness of his answers, and the confidence he maintained them with, that he deserved the place of provincial of the Jesuits, being so well versed in all the practices of his society, that few could exceed him.

The king from the first was resolved to forbear the severity of the rack, much practised in other countries, in the examination of notorious and perverse criminals. We indeed are told by a late confident author† of their own, that Garnet was kept waking six days and nights together to bring him by that new kind of torment (as he calls it) to a confession of his crime; and that Hall was put to extreme torture for fifteen hours space together in the tower, for the same reason. But a greater than he, one of their own persuasion, doth assure us that the king, to avoid calumny, did purposely forbear any thing of that kind of rigour, and Garnet himself did publickly own at his tryal, that he had been used, whilst in prison, with great lenity. We know not what effect the rack might have had upon him, for that was a way of tryal he had not been exercised in; but that course which they took, by frequent and crossexaminations, by expostulations, and arguments, he was so much a master of, that, in all the twenty-three days spent in it, they would have gained but little information, had they not had some greater advantage. Had he been alone, and could not have been confronted by others, he had been much more secure, and they more at a loss. And, therefore, to prevent any misunderstanding bewixt him and others in custody, that their answers might not be inconsistent or repugnant, he writes both to Hall and Mrs. Vaux, to let them know after what manner he thought to excuse or defend himself, and what replies to make to some particular enquiries; as if he should be charged with his prayer for the good success of a great action, &c. he would say, it was for the prevention of those severe laws which those of their church expected would be made against them by that parliament. But it happened that these letters, that were writ by him, came into other hands than those he intended them for, and did him a worse injury than any account that his sworn friends could have likely given of the same actions, though disagreeing with his. And in. deed herein his adversaries did outwit him, and worsted him at his own weapons, For, when they perceived that he obstinately persisted in the defence of his innocency, they took another course to find him out: first, a person was employed as a keeper, that should profess himself to be a Roman Catholick, and that should take a great liberty to complain of the king's severity, and of the sufferings their party were made to undergo. By these and the like crafty insinuations he grew to be a familiar of Garnet's, and at last was entrusted by him with a letter to one and to another. Which yet he did not so much venture upon, but that he wrote sparingly to one, and to the other nothing in appearance

+ Historia Missionis Anglican, Page 315, 334, only Popish.

Thuanas An. 1606, 5 Not Jesuitical, but

but what any one may see, filling up the void places with other more secret matters, written indeed, but written with the juice of a lemon. By this means they found out, that it was not so much his innocency, as the want of proof, that made him so confident. By this they came to understand, that Greenwel and he had conferred together about the plot. There was also another calamity that befell him by the same contrivance; for now, thinking himself sure of his keeper, he let him know what a great desire he had of conferring with Hall. The decoy told him, that he would endeavour to find out a way for it. This was done, and they had that freedom; but at the same time there were placed within hearing two persons of such known credit, that Garnet, at his tryal, had nothing to object against them, who took notice of what was said, and made it known to the council. The next day commissioners came to examine them, and in discourse charged them severally with those things that passed betwixt them the day before. This Hall did acknowledge, being convinced by the particulars that they produced; but Garnet did deny it upon the word of a priest, and with reiterated protestations. And when they told him, that Hall had confessed it, he said, Let him accuse himself falsly, if he will, I will not be guilty of 'that folly.' But, at the last, when he perceived that the evidence was not to be gainsaid, begged their pardon with no little confusion, and owned the particulars they charged him with; and, a little to save his reputation, told them, that as he denied all, because he knew none but Greenwel could accuse him; so he did deny what he knew to be true, by the help of equivocation.

Now they had gained good evidence against him; his letters first, then his discourse with Hall, and lastly, his own confession, were a sufficient ground for them to proceed and try him upon. And that they began to do within two days after, viz. March the twenty-eighth.

The great thing charged upon him, was, that he was privy to this conspiracy, that he held a correspondence with Catesby, and by him and Greenwel with the rest. And the chief part of his defence was: That 'what he did know of it was in confession, and what was told him, in 'that way, he was bound to conceal, notwithstanding any mischief that might follow it; he might dissuade persons from it, but, whether they 'would be persuaded by him or not, he was obliged not to divulge it.' After a long time spent in his tryal, there was but little taken by the jury, to give their verdict, which was, that he was guilty of treason; and accordingly he received sentence, and was executed the third of May following, at the west-end of St. Paul's Church-yard.

This is the man whom the Jesuits extol to the clouds, and who is put into the catalogue of their martyrs, as it is to be found at the end of Alegambe's Bibliotheca Scriptorum Societatis Jesu. This person, who was a perfect master of the art of dissimulation, that could by equivo cation swear to what he knew to be false, is what one of them bestows this character upon, that there was in him morum simplicitas, et candor

† An oath so sacred in the Church of Rome, that, whereas the laity are always sworn upon the holy Gospels, a priest is never required to give any other oath than upon the word of a priest, i. e. in verbo sacerdotis. Query, whether this sort of ecclesiastical affirmation did not give a hint for the Quakers form of affirmation instead of an oath?

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animi minime suspicacis. This man who had not the heart to die, and who at the time of his execution was so divided betwixt the hopes of a pardon, and the fear of death, that he could not attend to his own de votions, but one while cast his eyes this way, and another that; now at his prayers, and anon breaking off from them to answer to that discourse which he overheard. This man, I say, is said by Alegambe to go to his death interritus et exporrecta fronte obtestans, &c. without any fear, and protesting that he exceedingly rejoiced that he was now to suffer that death which would be an entrance to an immortal life.

The conclusion of all which is, that no Jesuit can be a traitor, and none suffer for treason but he must be a martyr.

The case of Hall was much the same with that of Garnet; he did confess, and it was also proved that they were both together at Caughton, and they were both found together afterwards. It appeared that he had afterwards defended the treason to Humphry Littleton. The excuses, the discourse, the confessions, were much one and the same, but only that Garnet was the more resolved, and the more obstinate of the two. Now, because as this treason was hatched, and to be executed in the main at London, so because part of it was also to be done in the country, and the chief of the conspirators were there taken, therefore six of them were sent to Worcester, and there executed, viz. Humphry Littleton, John Winter, and this Hall, with three others. Thither, I say, he was carried with them for that reason, and not because his adversaries were ashamed to have his cause heard at London, as a bold author+ of theirs would have it.

It is no wonder to find these men so concerned to clear themselves of it, when all the world is against them; though this is no more to be done than to prove that one that kills a king is a good subject, and one, that stirs his subjects in rebellion against him, is a friend to him.

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up These were the persons that were taken and suffered for this bloody treason. Others of them escaped beyond sea; of which one, when Dominicus Vicus, governor of Calais, assured them of the king's fa vour, and, tho' they lost their own country, they might be received there,' replied The loss of their country was the least part of their grief; but their sorrow was that they could not bring so brave a design to perfection. At which the governor could hardly forbear casting him into the sea, as Thuanus relates from Vicus's own mouth. Others there were, whom the government had a great suspicion of, as Henry Lord Mordaunt, and Edward, Lord Stourton, who, not appearing upon the summons to the parliament, were supposed to absent themselves from some intelligence that they received, were fined in the star-chamber, and to be imprisoned during the king's pleasure. The like sentence did Henry, Earl of Northumberland, undergo, for having admitted Thomas Percy, his kinsman, to be a gentleman pensioner without administering to him the oath of supremacy, when he knew him to be a recusantį.

This was the end of that plot, and of the persons concerned in it. And it would be happy if they had left none of their principles or temper behind them, a generation whom no favour will oblige, nor kindness re

Eudæmon. Joannis Apologia pro Garneto. Page 272. “

+ Or Papist.

tain; whom nothing but supremacy will content, and the most absolute authority can gratify. Whom nothing can secure against, but a sufficient power, or great industry or constant watchfulness, and scarcely all. And therefore it is fit, not only as a branch of our thankfulness to God, but also as a caution to ourselves, that this deliverance should be cele brated, and the memory of it perpetuated. I shall end with what is said of a great person of our own, some years since.

Two great deliverances in the memory of many of us hath God in his singular mercy wrought for us of this nation, such as I think, take both together, no Christian age or land can parallel. One formerly from a foreign invasion ||; another, since then, of an hellish conspiracy § at home. Both such, as we would have all thought, when they were done, should never be forgotten. And yet, as if this land were turned oblivious, the land where all things are forgotten, how doth the memory of them fade away, and they, by little and little, grow into forgetfulness? We have lived to see eighty-eight almost forgotten (God be blessed who hath graciously prevented what we feared therein) God grant that we nor ours ever live to see November the fifth forgotten, or the solemnity of it silenced.

THE FRENCH KING CONQUERED BY THE

ENGLISH;

The King of France and his Son brought Prisoners into England

(Besides divers Earls, Lords, and above two Thousand Knights and Esquires)

BY THE VICTORIOUS EDWARD THE BLACK PRINCE,

SON TO EDWARD THE THIRD.

Wherein is given an Account of several great Battles fought and wonderful Victories obtained over the French, when they had six to one against the English, to the Honour and Renown of England's unparalleled Valour, Conduct, and Resolution. Written by a Person of Quality. London, printed for William Birch, at the Sign of the Peacock, at the lower End of Cheapside, 1678. Octavo, containing thirtyone Pages.

TH

The Life and Death of Edward, sirnamed, the Black Prince.

HIS Edward was the eldest son of that victorious prince, King Edward the third his mother was the fair Philippa, daughter to William Earl of Hainault and Holland, who was delivered of this her first-born son at Woodstock, July 15, Anno Christi 1329, and in the

Bishop Sanderson's Sermons, lib. i. ad populum Serm. v. p. 248. By the Spaniards in the Year 1588. Viz. Of which this is thHistory.

third year of his father's reign. He was afterwards created Prince of Wales, Duke of Aquitain and Cornwall, and Earl of Chester. He was also Earl of Kent, in right of his wife Joan, the most admired beauty of that age, daughter of Edmund Earl of Kent, brother, by the father's side, to King Edward the second.

King Edward was very sollicitous in the education of this his son, and provided him choice tutors, to train him up both in arts and arms: and among others Walter Burley, a doctor of divinity, brought up in Merton-college in Oxford, who wrote many excellent treatises in natural and moral philosophy, for his great fame in learning, had the honour to be one of the instructers of this hopeful prince.

When he was but fifteen years old, his father King Edward, passing over into France, with a great and gallant army, took this his son along with him, making him a soldier, before he was grown to be a man: but, it seems, he longed to try what metal his son was made of in the bud; and haply he was loth to omit any thing that might give countenance and credit to this battle, wherein two kingdoms were laid at the stake.

Anno Christi 1345, our King Edward was upon the sea in a fleet of above a thousand sail, and landed in Normandy: his land-forces were about two thousand five hundred horse, and his foot thirty thousand, most of them archers. Making pitiful havock in Normandy, he marched up almost to the very walls of Paris. Philip, the French king, had not slept all this while, but had raised and brought together one of the bravest armies, that ever France had seen, consisting of about a hundred, or six score thousand fighting men.

King Edward, loaden and rich with spoils, seemed not unwilling to retreat. But they were now in the heart of their enemies country between the two good rivers of Seyne and Soame: and it was judged meet by our king to seek a passage out of these straits; and this enquiry was interpreted by the enemy to be a kind of flight, and King Edward was willing to nourish this conceit in them.

The river of Soame, between Abbeville and the sea, was at low water fordable, and gravelly ground, whereof our king was informed by a French prisoner, whom they had taken. But the French king, well acquainted with his own country, had set a guard upon that pass, of a thousand horse, and above six thousand foot, under the conduct of one Gundamar du Foy, a Norman lord of special note. King Edward, coming to this place, plunges into the ford, crying out, He that loves me, let him follow me,' as resolving either to pass or die. These words, and such a precedent, so inflamed his army, that the passage was won, and du Foy defeated almost before he was fought with, the incomparable courage and resolution of the English appaling him, and carried back to King Philip fewer by two thousand than he carried with him, besides the terror which his retreat brought along with it: and, if the English wete before unappaled, now much more they resolved to live and die with such a sovereign.

Now was King Edward near unto Cressy, in the county of Ponthieu, lying between the rivers of Soame and Anthy, a place which unquestionably belonged to him, in the right of his mother, where he was careful to provide the best he could for his safety and defence. King Philip,

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