Which was read, and laid on the table. Also, the following: EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, January 2d, 1846. Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives: I hereby nominate A. F. Tift, as auctioneer, and Benjamin Sawyer, Hiram Benner, John Porter, A. F. Tift, and Philip J. Fontane, as port wardens for the County of Monroe. I have the honor to be, very respectfully, &c. W. D. MOSELEY. Which nominations were advised and consented to. Also, the following: EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 2d January, 1847. Gentlemen of the Senate, and House of Representatives: I hereby nominate John W. Keith, as Judge of Probates, and Samuel Gainer, as auctioneer, for the county of Washington. Your obedient servant, Which was advised and consented to. ORDERS OF THE DAY. W. D. MOSELEY. Resolutions from the Committee on Federal Relations, was read a third time; and on the question of their adoption, the ayes and noes were called by messrs. Kelly and Austin, and were as follows: Yeas-mr. President, messrs. Bird, Bradley, Broward, Carter, Fairbanks, Johnson, Priest, Tabor-9. Nays-messrs. Austin, Kelly, Lorimer, McLean, McMillan...5. So the resolutions were adopted, and ordered to be certified to the House. The Senate took a recess until 3 o'clock, p. m, 3 o'clock, P. M. A quorum being present, the Senate resumed the consideration of the ORDERS OF THE DAY. A bill to be entitled an act to establish a tariff of tees, was read a second time; and on motion, the Senate, ir. Committee of the Whole, went into the consideration of said bill, mr. McLean in the Chair. After some tirne, the committee rose, reported the bill back, with sundry amendments, and asked to be discharged from the consideration of the same; which report was received, the committee discharged, the amendments agreed to, and ordered for a third reading to morrow. Resolution authorizing the Comptroller to audit an account of Dr. R. E. Little, was read the second time, and referred to the Committee on Claims and Accounts. A bill to be entitled an act to amend the several acts here'ofore passed relative to migration of free persons of color into this State, so far as relates to the island of Key West, was read the second time, and ordered for to-morrow. Preamble and resolution relative to an account of P. A. Hay ward, was read a second time, and referred to the Committee on Claims and Accounts. Preamble and resolution relative to a light house at Indian river bar, was read a second time, and ordered for to-morrow. A bill to be entitled an act to regulate the time of holding courts in the Eastern circuits of Florida, was read a second time, and ordered for to morrow. Senate, on motion, took a recess until 7 o'clock, p. m. 7 o'clock, P. M. A quorum being present, the Senate proceeded with the orders. A bill to be entitled an act to amend an act to organize the militia of the State of Florida, approved December 27, 1845, was read the second time; and on motion, the Senate, in Committee of the Whole, Mr. Kelly in the Chair, took up the consideration of the same. After some time, the committee rose, reported the bill back without amendment; which report was received, and the bill referred to the Committee on the Militia. A bill to be entitled an act to amend an act entitled an act to incorporate the city of Key West, was read a second time, and order. ed for to-morrow. Resolution relating to lots of H. M. Breckenridge, was read the second time, and ordered to be engrossed for to-morrow. A bill to be entitled an act to provide for electors of President and Vice President of the United States, was read a third time, on the question of the passage, the vote was as follows: Yeas-messrs. President, Bird, Bradley, Broward, Carter, Fair banks, Johnson, Priest and Tabor-9. Navs-Messrs. Austin, Kelly, Lorimer and McMillan-4. A bill to be entitled an act to establish Trustees of semirary and school lands, and for other purposes. After some time the On motion the Senate resolved itself into a committee of the whole, mr. Austin in the chair, on said bill. committee rose, reported progress and asked which report was received, leave granted again to morrow. leave to sit again; the committee to sit Resolution in addition to a resolution in relation to a light house at the mouth of the Suwannee river was read a second time, the rule waived, read a third time and adopted. Resolution authorizing the publication of the laws to alter the Constitution, was read a second time, rule waived, read a third time and adopted. Resolution appropriating the taxes of Calhoun county for the years 1847 and 1848 for building a court house in said county was read a second time and ordered for to-morrow. A bill to be entitled an act to change the name of Levy county was read a second time, the rule waived, read a third time, and on the question of its passage the vote was as follows: Yeas-messrs. Austin, Bradley, Kelly, Lorimer, and McMillan -5. Navs-messrs. President, Bird, Broward, Carter, Fairbanks and Johnson-6. So the bill was lost. A bill to be entitled an act to amend an act to incorporate the city of Key West, was read the second time, and ordered for to morrow. A bill to be entitled an act for the relief of Archibald Patterson, was read the second time, and ordered for to-morrow. Resolution in favor of B. G. Thornton, was read a second time, and ordered for to-morrow. On motion, the Senate adjourned until to-morrow 10 o'clock. TUESDAY, January 5, 1847. The Senate met pursuant to adjournment, a quorum being pres ent, and, on motion, the reading of yesterday's journal of proceed. ings was dispensed with. Mr. Fairbanks, from the committee on claims and accounts, to whom the preamble and resolutions in favor of the claims of P A. Hayward for binding books for Executive Department, and Dr. B. S. Scriven for medical services to prisoners in the jail of Leon county, were referred; reported back said resolutions, and recom. mended that they be paid: which report was received, and the resolutions placed among the orders for to day. Mr. Fairbanks, from the Judiciary Committee, reported a bill to be entitled an act to adopt a Seal for the Supreme Court of this State, which was read the first time, the rule waived, read a sec. ond and third times, and put upon its passage-the vote thereon was as follows: Yeas- Mr. President, Messrs. Austin, Bird, Bradley, Broward, Carter, Fairbanks, Floyd, Johnson, Kelly, Lorimer, McLean, McMillan, Priest, Tabor: 15. Nays-0. So the bill passed; title as stated. Mr. Lorimer, from the minority of the Committee on Federal Relations, obtained leave to present the following report: The undersigned, constituting the minority of the committee on Federal Relations, dissenting from the views and sentiments set forth in the report of the majority of said committee "on the state of our Federal relations, and that portion of the annual message of his Excellency the Governor referred especially to them," deem it his right and duty in a counter report to present to this Legislature most respectfully, but firmly, the opposite views and opinions entertained by him. The minority fully concurs with the majority of the committee in the value and importance attached to the late peaceful settlement by treaty of the Oregon controversy. He yields to none in heartfelt gratification at this honorable termination of a dispute which threatened at one time, however needlessly, to produce war between kindred nations, bound by their nearest and dearest relations, and by the obligations of humanity and civilization, to cultivate the blessings of peace. He recognizes in that treaty, the triumph of reason over passion....of humanity over brute violence....and he willingly concurs in ascribing honor and praise to those of both nations, who were instrumental in effecting that benign consummation. But stern truth forbids the undersigned to concur in the ascription of that honor and that praise, to the persons or functionaries upon whom it has been most particularly and unjustly bestowed, by the majority of the committee: the administration of the Federal Government. With wonder....with amazement....does he regard the utter oblivion or perversion of historical truth, which has led that committee to so mistaken a conclusion. Are not the facts too recent and too notorious for denial, that the President of the United States, and the leaders of the party whose views he represented, were pledged by repeated solemn declarations, before the people of the United States and the world, to a settlement upon another, and a totally different basis"? a basis, upon which no Temple to Peace ever could have been erected....that he had repeatedly and solemnly adopted the resolution of the Baltimore Convention, "that our title to the whole of Oregon is clear and unquestionable"....that while this declaration, and the pledge which it involved, preceded his entry upon his official duties, it remained unrevoked and unchanged up to the period of the settlement of the controversy. Is it needful for us to recall the language of indignant denial and reprobation, with which some of the influential leaders of the dominant party in Congress repelled the suggestion, that the President would, or could promote or recommend a settlement on any other basis than the line of 54° 40'?....that he could advise the surrender of territory, to which he had declared "our title clear and unquestionable." The President, it is true, through his constitutional advisers, negotiated and framed the Treaty and submitted it to the Senate, because there was no other authority competent to that task; but he neither advised nor recommended its ratification by the Senate; and, in the very act of submitting it, declared, anew, his opposition to the terms of the settlement. In ascribing, then, the "credit" of this treaty to the President, and thence deducing that the "administration" is therefore entitled to our support and confidence, the committee not only violate historical truth, but in their mistaken zeal to laud the President, convict him of the greatest inconsistency and dereliction of duty, in promoting by his influence the surrender of territory, to which he had solemnly declared "our title to be clear and unquestionable." The true defence of the administration rests upon the ground, that as he could not and dare not promote the consummation arrived at by any active influential agency, he did not therefore interpose any official bstacle, but let the responsibility rest on others; and such is the position assumed by himself. Most truly, then, for the above reasons, may the minority concur in the justice of the laudatory sentiment, (so far, at least, as regards its application to the people,) with which the majority of the committee conclude on this point; when they point to the approval of this treaty by the people of the United States, as indicating "a sound and healthy public opinion," and as "repelling the injurious assertions of foreign nations, ascribing to our people a spirit of ambition and a thirst for war." For here was a case in which the sound, sober, enligh tened sense of the people, resisted all the allurements of ambition, and incentives to war; although the crusade was preached with all the fervor and zeal,. if not with the unction and sincerity of the original apostle of the Crusaders.. Let, then, the praise and honor of this treaty, now the sentiment in its favor is admitted by the committee to be "unanimous," be ascribed to the virtue and intelligence of the people, and to those patriotic Senators and Representatives of both parties who nobly stood to the rescue of their.country, and gave the first impulse to the resistance of the unwise, passionate, and reckless schemes of the administration, and its equally reckless followers. And let it not be forgotten, that what is now declared to be a "unanimous" sentiment, once met with contumely and reproach in those who advocated the adoption of that very basis of settlement. Nor can the minority concur with the majority of the committee in their report upon another act of the federal administration, the so-called Sub-Treasury. The undersigned, still entertaining the opposition to this project, which once influenced the great body of the nation, and which in former years sealed its condemnation, after a brief and abortive existence, has seen nothing to remove the radical and fatal evils with which the system is fraught. On the contrary, another short experiment of its practical operation, has greatly added to the proofs of its being an unwise, mischievious, and impracticable system. That it is more inconvenient and costly than any of the previous systems of Treasury finance, is a matter of undoubted proof; for now the Treasury has to transmit at great cost, and subject to great risk and certain delay, large amounts of specie, which could formerly be safely and without charge transferred by a scrape of a pen; that it has served to disconnect the Treasury from banks, as was promised, has failed to be realized, for nearly all the important negotiations of the Treasury, respecting loans and the transmission of funds, are compelled by circumstances to be yet made by and through the agency of the banks. For bank notes, in spite of the specie clause, are the Treasury, and the people willing to exchange Treasury notes and Treasury drafts; and we have lately seen, that after trying the dilatory and costly experiment of transporting specie to New Orleans, near the seat of war, the officers of the Treasury have been obliged, in direct violation of the law, to send larger sums by drafts and by bank drafts. Thus this much lauded system is admittedly defective and impracticable; and if the same rigid responsibility was exacted from our public of ficers, to which they are made subject in England, an act of indemnity would have to be asked for at the hands of Congress to save them from the consequences of their delinquency. The above presents a true picture of the effects of this Sub-Treasury taken from the life, while the one to which it is opposed is the 'fancy sketch' of its projectors--made in anticipation of its creation, stereotyped and multiplied, but never subjected to a comparison of the sketch with the actual object, so as to test its likeness; and when the further tissue of losses of funds and of credit by the Treasury, and of derangements, both in the fiscal concerns of the Government and people, which must inevitably ensue, shall have been realized, again will this rash, and precipitate, and unwise act of legislation, sink under the popular condemnation. Most willingly would the minority of this committee have awaited the result of further experience to test the efficiency and merit of the scheme. Better, too, would it have been for the majority to withhold their opinion for this final decisive test. But then, alas! the season for panegyric might have passed forever, and a large fund of encomiastic zeal lack an object for its application! Next in order in the report of the majority of the committee comes the repealed tariff act of 1842, and its successor, that of 1846-one the object of unmitigated abuse--the other the object of equal commendation. The minority of the committee begs leave respectfully, briefly, but decidedly to state his entire dissent from the views expressed on these important measures. Here again at the very outset of the operations of the act of 1846, before any true test of its value or efficiency can have been manifested, the report to which this is an answer, hails it as a measure fraught with blessings to the nation and to the people. Now it is apparent that all this praise is yet gratuitous and unmerited by any actual results, a mere iteration of the stereotyped commendations lavished in advance upon this party measure. The undersigned on the other hand, could present the reverse of this picture in colors of more truth at least, if not equally bright and glowing. He could appeal to the history of the past for the best comment on, and commendation of, |