place around." Thus, and not otherwise, he sees heaven at the tip of his own nose. [Laughter.] Were it not that these directions are written in Book VI. of the lectures of Kreeshna, one would imagine they were written by Cotton Mather about himself, or a Boston philosopher in and about the Hub of the Universe. [Laughter.] It was by following these directions of the Vedas that John Fisher Murray, an Irish wit, was enabled to prove that black was white, and by a process of unification which will commend itself to Boston Transcendentalism. "Black," says he, "is one thing and white another thing. You don't conthravayne that? But every thing is aither one thing or the other thing. I defy the Apostle Paul to get over that dilimma. Well, if any thing be one thing, well and good; but if it be another thing, then it's plain it isn't both things [laughter], and so can't be two things; nobody can deny that. But what can't be two things, must be one thing; ergo, whether it's one thing or another thing, it's all one. [Great laughter.] But black is one thing and white is another thing; ergo, black and white is all one." [Laughter.] Quod erat_demonstrandum, that a negro is as good as a white man. [Laughter.] The ordinary perception of mankind would be shocked at such a conclusion, but a Puritan Transcendentalist accepts it as a part of the soul unity, which he derives from looking with solemn introspection into his own nature. This is what imparts to Transcendentalism such a sublime egotism. All that is great in invention, in letters, in reason, in war, must emanate from its "over soul." It peeps into all things, and some others; "de omnibus rebus et quibusdam aliis." Mr. Beecher, in describing the universal meddlesomeness of the Yankee, has but the voice of Brahma, which Emerson echoed, when he wrote:

"There is no great and no small

To the soul that maketh all,

And where it cometh, all things are,

And it cometh-everywhere." [Laughter.]

The "Evening Post" wonders how a Union hereafter is possible, with New England out ! "Can there be," it asks, 66 a head without brains, or a body without heart? Where there is a school, there is New England; a free press, New England; a lecture room, New England! Can these be left out, and a soul remain?" Some day, this dream of Puritan complacency may break, and the fact, hard and granite as her hills, remain, not that she is left out, but that, by the action of many of her own sons in the North-West, whose transplanting has improved the stock and enlarged the culture, her peculiar ideas are limited in their effect and scope to her own borders. Her heathen philosophy cannot live. As Dr. Lord has recently said: "Its gaudy sophistry took its natural popular effect; it assumed to be arrogant, insulting, and encroaching. It was envious of God's appointments-the family, the State, the church; and it scrupled not to assail their blood-cemented foundations." In the press, lecture, pulpit, and finally in Congress and the Executive Departments, it has pursued its way and enveloped this nation in garments of blood. It will only awake, I fear, from its gory dream, when it is left weeping over the victims of its own delusions. This philosophy has a deeper and worse aim than that of uprooting the State. Already it has sown the seed of dissolution in the church, and scepticism in all creeds. Parker, following the Hindoo and

Emerson, found what he called the "out-ness of God to be the in-ness of man, and so God works with us." Or in other phrase, since God is man and nature man, "many a savage," says Parker, "his hands smeared over with human sacrifice, shall come from the East and West, and sit down in the kingdom of God, with Moses and Zoroaster, with Socrates and Jesus." Thus we are taught in shocking blasphemy that the worst method of life will answer as well as the best. And again, he enjoined his disciples "to obey God, as the spirituality of spirit, which is immanent in all things; in the blush of the rose and in the bite of the dog; in the breath of the breeze, and in the howl of the maniac. Believe that the Divine incarnation is in all mankind; therefore, imitate it, and if we sin, ask no forgiveness." Nor need we wonder that, from the same source, the Intercessor for Mankind, the SAVIOUR, is sneered at as "the Attorney by which we are to approach the Infinite."; or, that when such systems have their devotees in religion, Abolition has its devotees in political ethics; or that a spirit of hostile encroachment should mark the career of this cabal of egotistic zealots, and that State lines are obliterated and constitutional faith dissolved as figments in their crazed imaginations. Alas! this war is teaching the people, too late, that the Federal Union is not to be carried on by the dogmas of Brahma, or the sophisms of Emerson, or the infidelity of Parker. We are taught, too late, that a system of public morality prevalent in one section, is not the guide of duty under the Constitution; that the inexorable laws of economy, of climate, soil, production, supply, and demand, are not to be overruled by the poetry of Whittier about the oppressed black, or the vagaries of Sumner about the barbarism of slavery.

I have thus traced the history and philosophy of Puritanic egotism and self-sufficiency, which has fomented trouble in distant domestic affairs. I have already detained you so long that [cries of "Go on! go on!" from all parts of the house] I will conclude with some practical reflections on the consequences of such conduct. When the Constitution was made, there were two kinds of interpretation which followed it: that of New England, which tended to centralize power, and that of Virginia, which decentralized power. The one encroached on State rights; the other restrained the encroachment. Under the contention, New England, with her personal liberty bills and higher law, alarmed the South; and the South, in return, pushed her interpretation into actual and violent secession. New England got her advantages in the Constitution for yielding its protection to slavery. They were commercial and profitable. She has yet her tariff and bounties. She has ever made the most out of the Federal Union. When she was called on to make sacrifices, as in the wars of this country, she was loth to make them. There are even now 16,000 deserters from the Massachusetts regiments. She forgot her hatred of State rights in the late war with Great Britain. Her Hartford Convention was called to endorse the policy of Governor Strong, of Massachusetts, that no forcible draft, conscriptions or impressments should be made by the General Government upon the States. That Governor refused to accede to the President's requisition for troops, to be used by the President in a war against England, which he could not approve. This smacks somewhat of the late conduct of Governor Andrew, when he sought to impose conditions as to

troops in the present conflict. The famous Hartford Convention was a secession body. Its address urged that "some new form of Confederacy should be substituted among those States which shall intend to maintain a Federal relation to each other; " and concluded with the usual Puritanic appeal to "a higher authority than any earthly government can claim." Later, in the Mexican War, we know how prompt the Puritans were to seek a refuge from national duty in the doctrine of Peace and Disunion; we know how Charles Sumner had found the "true grandeur of nations to consist in arbitration and peace under every possible condition of things; and how the press and the poets of New England laughed at the sergeant of the United States when he beat for recruits. By pasquinade and from pulpit, the war was discouraged and enlistments checked. But now, when the present war is to be carried on against the South; when Puritanism is to be gratified by the death of slavery; when the nation is rocked by the throes of civil, and not foreign war, the same old vindictive intolerance is aroused which made the early Puritans so infamous. There is aroused the same desire to confiscate, which changed the red men into sooty devils, that the saints might enter in and possess the lands of the Pequods; and the same arrogant assumption of intellect is quickened which will never cease till it assassinates the Republic. New England may thrive for awhile on the war contracts, which keep her people busied and money plentiful. So long as this seeming prosperity is kept up, her cry for slavery extermination will be loud. But a day of reckoning is near at hand. Her insane propagandism is working out its fruits. The people in the last elections have expressed their detestation of her doctrines. Even the people of New England, from Maine to Connecticut, will begin to consider their position. The popular verdict is not yet fully heeded at Washington. The infatuation of Congress continues. But the Government and its administrators have felt the shock, and a dead lock, political and military, is the result. Montesquieu has well described ourcondition: "There is in every nation a general public spirit upon which power itself is founded. When that power shocks that public spirit, the shock is communicated to itself, and it necessarily comes to a standstill." Confiscations and Proclamations have produced this terrible paralysis of the State. When the people arouse from this terrible condition, and fully realize what it is and who are its authors, the anathema against the perfidious parricides of the North will hardly be less than that which followed the violence of the Southern traitors against the majority of the nation. [Cheers.]

In conclusion, Democrats of New York, you have traced with me the footprints in history of this inveterate foe to our Democracy, the Puritanism of New England. You have seen its bitter waters gushing in the wilderness from Plymouth Rock, and running through history in the same old channel, until its latest movement now for negro emancipation. You have seen it poisoning the pulpit and the press with its dogmas. You have seen it silently boring like a reptile into the mounds of the Constitution. You have seen the barriers give way and the flood rush in—a sea billowy with fraternal blood. It has obtained power, arms. We know how it has used them, and at what cost. War has been called a wholesale gravedigger, who works for wages! What wages? Ask the Secretary of the Treasury, now in your city to raise fresh hundreds of millions.

At what sacrifice? Ask those who are bereaved and those who are wounded. Ask a quarter of a million of Northern, not to count Southern men, who have perished in the field or hospital. Alas! they cannot answer. Their rude graves in the distant South answer. Fortunes totter; industry is palsied; bankruptcy threatens, for speculation riots around your moneyed centres. The tax gatherer, the embalming doctor, the nurse, and the army scavenger play their part in this great drama, and behind it all stands the gibbering fiend of Abolition, determined to make the war, begun in honor and patriotism, end in hate and disunion! It has already determined not to allow the Democracy to save the Union. But by the God of our fathers! though the Union be shattered; though its bleeding fragments may seek temporary alliances East and West, the Democracy will, if it take a lustrum to do it, fight under the old constellated banner, making its order of march an order of battle, for the restoration of THE UNION AS IT WAS, by the supremacy of THE CONSTITUTION AS IT IS! [Tremendous cheering, during which the audience rose to their feet. Three cheers were given for the speaker and three for Ohio.] Let the Middle, and Western, and border States firmly move on in the work. The dissonant din of these ideologists of New England will be drowned in the popular voice; the fratricidal hate they have engendered will be assuaged, and into the lacerated bosom of this nation will be poured the hallowed and healing spirit of mutual confidence and conciliation. Thus will the nation reform itself! [Tremendous and continued applause.]

Mr. Cox closed by saying, that such confidence and conciliation could never come from the spirit of Puritanism; but thanks to New Englandaye, to New England-a better and more Christian spirit had been enshrined in the poetry of Oliver Wendell Holmes, a son of Massachusetts, whose beautiful lyric upon Carolina he had been requested to repeat to the audience by a New York Democrat now in Washington, Frederick S. Cozzens, himself an author known to the whole country. Mr. Cox then recited the following:

"She has gone-she has left us in passion and pride—
Our stormy-browed sister, so long at our side!
She has torn her own star from our firmament's glow,
And turned on her brother the face of a foe!

"O, Caroline, Caroline, child of the sun,

We can never forget that our hearts have been one;
Our foreheads both sprinkled in Liberty's name,
From the fountain of blood with the finger of flame!

"You were always too ready to fire at a touch;

But we said, 'She is hasty-she does not mean much.'
We have scowled when you uttered some turbulent threat;
But Friendship still whispered, 'Forgive and forget.'

"Has our love all died out? Have its altars grown cold?
Has the curse come at last which the fathers foretold?
Then Nature must teach us the strength of the chain
That her petulant children would sever in vain.

"They may fight till the buzzards are gorged with their spoil,
Till the harvest grows black as it rots in its soil,

Till the wolves and the catamounts troop from their caves,
And the shark tracks the pirate, the lord of the waves.

"In vain is the strife! When its fury is past,

Their fortunes must flow in one channel at last;

As the torrents that rush from the mountains of snow
Roll mingled in peace through the valley below.

"Our Union is river, lake, ocean, and sky;

Man breaks not the medal when God cuts the die!
Though darkened with sulphur, though cloven with steel,
The blue arch will brighten, the waters will heal.

"O, Caroline, Caroline, child of the sun,

There are battles with fate that can never be won!

The star-flowering banner must never be furled,

For its blossoms of light are the hope of the world!

"Go, then, our rash sister! afar and aloof,

Run wild in the sunshine away from our roof;

But when your heart aches and your feet have grown sore,
Remember the pathway that leads to our door!" [Applause.]

THE CONSCRIPTION BILL.

EXEMPTION OF THE CLERGY-SLANDERS UPON THE DEMOCRACY REPELLED-STATE RIGHTS AS DEFINED BY MADISON AND HAMILTON-EFFECT OF THE CONSCRIPTION.

On the 26th of February, 1863, the House having under consideration the bill to call out the national forces, Mr. Cox said: Mr. Speaker, I am obliged to the Chair for the prompt manner in which he has protected my right to the floor, and for the emphasis with which he brought down the gavel for that purpose. [Laughter.] I hope now that I shall not be further interrupted. Mr. Speaker, I was somewhat amused and instructed by what fell from my reverend brother [Mr. FESSENDEN] from Maine, who has just taken his seat. It was proper that he should defend his clerical brethren. But after the high-wrought eulogy which he uttered in their behalf, I was surprised at the lame conclusion at which he arrived. How could he as a patriot argue that so valuable a class of citizens should be excluded from serving their country in the army? If they are as worthy and as patriotic as he believes, will they seek exemption? The very argument, combining with other reasons which I may give, but from which he will doubtless dissent, compel me to oppose the exemption of the clergy from this sweeping conscription. There are some clergymen for whom I have an unbounded reverence and respectmen who preach the gospel of "peace on earth and good will to men." They do not turn the living word into reproach by "vain disputations." They do not create jar on earth and ill will to men. From the first settlement of the region from which the gentleman comes, down to the present time, the largest part of the clergy seem to have been specially commissioned, in their own opinion, to read lectures upon political matters to the people of this country, and to all mankind. They have descended from their spiritual elevation to grope amid the passions and cor