Imagens das páginas
PDF
ePub

toward the suggestions brought forward with the hope of reaching a peaceful solution, said: "This was a disquieting situation which made it probable that there existed at Berlin intentions which had not been disclosed. Some hours afterwards this alarming suspicion was destined to become a certainty. In fact Germany's negative attitude gave place thirty-six hours later to positive steps which were truly alarming. On the 31st July, Germany, by proclaiming 'a state of war,' cut the communications between herself and the rest of Europe, and obtained for herself complete freedom to pursue against France in absolute secrecy military preparations which, as you have seen, nothing could justify. For some days past, and in circumstances difficult to explain, Germany had been preparing for the transition of her army from a peace footing to a war footing."

Farther along in the same speech he enumerated the following acts of hostility committed by Germany against France on the same day (July 31) she delivered her ultimatum to Russia: "The rupture of communications by road, railway, telegraph and telephone, the seizure of French locomotives on their arrival at the frontier, the placing of machine guns in the middle of the permanent way which had been cut, and the concentration of troops on this frontier. From this moment we were no longer justified in believing in the sincerity of the pacific declarations which the German representative continued to shower upon us. We knew that Germany was mobilizing under the shelter of the 'state of danger of war.' We learned that six classes of reservists had been called up, and that transport was being collected even for those army corps which were stationed a considerable distance from the frontier. As these events succeeded one another, the Government, watchful and vigilant, took from day to day, or rather from hour to hour, the precautions which the situation required; the general mobilization of our forces on land and sea was ordered." (Extracts, August 4, F. Y. B. no. 159.)

The German Chancellor gives a different account of the violation of French territory: "Concerning the one exception I mentioned, I have received the following report from the General Staff: 'As regards the French complaints of our crossing their frontier, only one case we have to acknowledge. Contrary to express orders a patrol of the 14th Army Corps, led, it would seem, by an officer, crossed the frontier on August 2. It appears that all were shot except one man, who returned. But long before this isolated instance of crossing the frontier occurred, French aviators had dropped bombs on our railway tracks far into southern Germany, and near the Schluchtpass French troops had made an attack upon our frontier guards. Our troops have obeyed orders and merely defended themselves.' Such is the report of the General Staff." (Extract

1 M. Jules Cambon, in a dispatch which was sent from Copenhagen August 6, when the ambassador was returning to France, gives the French Minister for Foreign Affairs the following account of an interview with the German Secretary of State, Herr von Jagow, relative to this incident: "On the morning of Monday, the 3d of August, after I had, in accordance with your instructions, addressed to Herr von Jagow a protest against the acts of aggression committed on French territory by German troops, the Secretary of State came to see me. Herr von Jagow came to complain of acts of aggression which he alleged had been committed in Germany, especially at Nuremberg and Coblenz by French aviators, who according to his statement had come from Belgium.' I answered that I had not the slightest information as to the facts to which he attached so much importance and the improbability of which seemed to me obvious; on my part I asked him if he had read the note which I had addressed to him with regard to the invasion of our territory by detachments of the German army. As the Secretary of State said that he had not yet read this note I explained its contents to him. I called his attention to the act committed by the officer commanding one of the detachments who had advanced to the French village of Joncherey, ten kilometres within our frontier, and had blown out the brains of a French soldier whom he had met there. After having given my opinion of this act I added: 'You will admit that under no circumstances could there be any comparison between this and the flight of an aeroplane over foreign territory carried out by private persons animated by that spirit of daring for which aviators are conspicuous.

"An act of aggression committed on the territory of a neighbor by detachments of regular troops commanded by officers assumes an importance of quite a different nature.' [See also F. Y. B. nos. 136, 139, 148.] "Herr von Jagow explained to me that he had no knowledge of the facts of which I was speaking to him, and he added that it was difficult

from Chancellor von Bethmann-Hollweg's speech in the Reichstag, August 4, 1914.)

5. The German ultimatum to France

On July 31, M. Viviani telegraphed the French Ambassador at St. Petersburg: "The German Government decided at mid-day to take all military measures implied by the condition known as the 'state of danger of war.' In communicating this decision to me at 7 o'clock this evening, Baron von Schoen added that the Government was at the same time requiring that Russia demobilize. If the Russian Government does not give a satisfactory reply within twelve hours, Germany in her turn will mobilize. I replied to the German Ambassador that I had no information at all about an alleged total mobilization of the Russian army and navy which the German Government invoked as the reason for the new military measures which they are taking to-day. Baron von Schoen finally asked me, in the name of his Government, what the attitude of France would be in case of war between Germany and Russia. He told me that he would come for my reply tomorrow (Saturday) at 1 o'clock. I have no intention of making any statement to him on this subject, and I shall confine myself to telling him that France will consider her interests.1 The Government of the Republic is, indeed, for events of this kind not to take place when two armies filled with the feelings which animated our troops found themselves face to face on either side of the frontier." (Extract, August 6, F. Y. B. no. 155.)

1 An editorial in the Journal des Débats, Paris, contains the remarks: "Under the pretext of being at war with Russia, Germany called on France either to proclaim her neutrality or declare war on Germany. But when we replied that we would remain faithful to our alliance with Russia, Germany did not officially follow up these demands. This reply of ours disconcerted her. She wished us, in pursuance of our alliance with Russia, to declare war on Germany, so that she might say to her own people and to the Italian Government that France had been the aggressor. She wished at one stroke to rouse public opinion in Germany, which seems much less enthusiastic, and to make operative the casus fœderis of the Italian-German Alliance." (August 4, 1914, Journal des Débats, "La ruée germanique et le devoir des nations.")

under no obligation to give an account of its intentions to any one except its ally. I request you to inform M. Sazonof of this immediately. As I have already told you, I have no doubt that the Imperial Government, in the highest interests of peace, will do everything on their part to avoid anything that might render a crisis inevitable or precipitate it." (July 31, F. Y. B. no. 117.)

The German Chancellor's instructions to the German Ambassador at Paris to make the anticipated demand were as follows: 'Kindly ask the French Government whether it will remain neutral in a Russo-German war. Answer must come within eighteen hours. Wire at once hour that inquiry is made. Act with the greatest possible dispatch.' (Modified quotation, July 31, G. W. B. exhibit 25.)

The Director of Political Affairs at the French Foreign Office, speaking the next day of the German demand, told the British Ambassador at Paris that, although there were no differences at issue between France and Germany, the German Ambassador had made a menacing communication to the French Government and had requested an answer the next day, intimating that he would have to break off relations and leave Paris if the reply were not satisfactory. The Ambassador was informed that the French Government considered this an extraordinary proceeding. The German Ambassador, who was to see the Minister of Foreign Affairs again that evening, had said nothing about demanding his passports, but stated that he had packed up.' (Modified quotation, August 1, B. W. P. no. 126.) While it is true that a menacing tone for the German communication was unnecessary, its general tenor could hardly have occasioned any real surprise, especially in the light of what M. Jules Cambon had said. So that this part of the dispatch seems meant more for publication than to convey any important information.

To the repeated inquiry of the German Ambassador as to whether France in case of a Russo-German war would

remain neutral, the French Premier Viviani made the noncommittal reply that 'France would take such action as her interests might require.' (Modified quotation, August 1, G. W. B. exhibit 27.)

On August 1, M. Viviani, in a telegram to the French Ambassadors, said: "The attitude of Germany proves that she wishes for war. And she wishes for war against France. Yesterday when Herr von Schoen came to the Quai d'Orsay to ask what attitude France proposed to take in case of a Russo-German conflict, the German Ambassador, although there has been no direct dispute between France and Germany, and although from the beginning of the crisis we have employed all our efforts for a peaceful solution and are still continuing to do so, added that he asked me to present his respects and thanks to the President of the Republic, and asked that we would be good enough to make arrangements for him personally (des dispositions pour sa propre personne); we know also that he has already provided for the safety of the archives of the Embassy. These indications of his intention to break off diplomatic · relations without any direct dispute, and even though he has not received any definitely negative answer, are in keeping with Germany's determination to make war against France. The want of sincerity in her peaceful protestations is shown by the rupture which she is forcing upon Europe at a time when Austria had at last agreed to begin negotiations with Russia." (Extract, August 1, F. Y. B. no. 120.)

In spite of what seemed the beginning of a rupture of peaceful negotiations, the German Ambassador remained at Paris some time longer. On August 3, he asked for his passports. (F. Y. B. no. 148.) Germany in taking this anomalous course 1 was probably influenced by the hope of

1 It is, indeed, hard to explain the reason why so many ambassadors remained at capitals of states with which their own states or their allies were at war. (Cf. Bunsen's Report, B. W. P., Miscellaneous, no. 10 [1914].)

« AnteriorContinuar »