The Mexican patriots received little or no assistance from abroad, except in funds, and not that until the contest was decided. The war had destroyed the machinery, and stopped the operations of the mines, destroyed the government magazines of tobacco, and essentially impaired every branch of revenue, whilst at the same time it had augmented in a greater ratio the expenses of the government. Whilst the colonial authority existed, the patriots secured the public property for their own use, and destroyed what they could not thus appropriate; both parties had recourse to forced loans. These causes, together with the devastation of a civil war, and the suspension of industry, had so impoverished the country that the revenue was almost entirely annihilated, and the government which succeeded the overthrow of Iturbide was placed under the most distressing embarrassments. Until the resources of the country could be called into action, the only relief was from loans. To supply the immediate wants a million and a half of dollars were borrowed of the house of Robert Staples & Co. of London, who had a partner in Mexico; and afterward a loan of twenty millions of dollars was obtained of Barclay, Herring, Richardson & Co. of the same place. In 1824 Mexico made an additional loan; the whole of their loans in England amounted to thirty millions, besides their domestic debt. But the resources of the country are great, and are rapidly developing. The government have made great efforts to retrieve the condition of the treasury, by introducing a rigid system of economy, and creating an entire new system of finance. And such is the activity given to commercial enterprise, by just and equitable laws, that the duties on imports and tonnage are even at this time very considerable, and will eventually, independent of the mining and agricultural interests, become a source of abundant revenue to México.

The plan of Bolivar* for forming a general confederacy has been zealously seconded by Mexico. This plan was communicated by the liberator, (so is Bolivar styled by his countrymen) as president of Colombia, to the other republics, early in 1823, and on the 6th of June, of that year, a treaty was concluded between Peru and Colombia for carrying it into effect. Don Miguel Santa Maria, minister from Colombia, proposed this union to the Mexican government during the usurpation of Iturbide, but without success; but after the establishment of the republican government the negotiations were renewed, and on the 3d of October, 1823, a treaty was signed by the ministers of the two republics, having for its object the promotion of a confederacy or fami

The man, to whom, in a great measure, is owing the independence of all South America. A particular account will be given of him in the history of the revolution in Colombia.

ly compact, designed to unite all the new states for the defence of their liberty and independence. This body will also take cognizance of all cases of difficulty or misunderstanding which may hereafter arise between the governments of the different republics. Some of the new republics not having agreed to the proposition, nothing further was done until the 7th of December, 1824, when Bolivar, as the head of the republic of Peru, addressed a circular to the several republics, inviting them to appoint plenipotentiaries to meet at Panama, and install the congress of the confederacy. Victoria, president of Mexico, answered the circular of the liberator on the 23d of February following. Cordially approving the measure, he says, had it been suffered to rest much longer, he intended to have taken the lead himself, and sent a despatch to the president of Peru, proposing the same course. He remarks that he shall appoint his plenipotentiaries, and send them to Panama, as soon as he is informed of the time of assembling the congress; and adds that, through his ministers at Washington, he has invited the president of the United States to send plenipotentiaries to the congress. The Mexican government appointed its representatives, who repaired to Panama near the close of the year 1825. Mexico continues tranquil, and every thing indicates the stability of the political system, and prosperity of the nation. The states appear to be satisfied with the federal government, and are forming constitutions, and organizing their authorities, conformably to the constitution of the Union. The distant, and isolated state of Yucatan, has sent deputies to the national congress at Mexico, proclaimed a constitution, and organized a government, at the head of which is Jose F. Lopez, who has been elected governor. The constitution of the state of Mechoacan, was also sworn to by the public authorities on the 20th of June, 1825. A special session of the national congress was convened at Mexico, by the president, on the 4th of August, 1825. President Victoria, in his message, congratulates the representatives upon their not having been convened to provide against foreign invasion, or to quell internal commotions, and adds that the republic, prosperous and at peace, advances unobstructed in her political career; that in its infancy it has obtained the respect and admiration of the world. "The government," says he, "is engaged in a system of defence; the republic is invincible; its sons feeling the dignity, and animated by the spirit of freemen, will bravely defend the rights of their country." The president urges the establishment of tribunals of justice, which appear not to have been organized since the new system went into operation, and for want of which, he says, disorder and confusion will ensue. It would seem that the executive was empowered to establish judicial tribunals, and he informs the congress

that his profound regard for the separation and independence of the different powers of government, has prevented his exercising the authority, reposed on him by the nation. The message also recommends further provisions for securing the liberty of the press; reform in the treasury; the more perfect organization of the land and naval forces: the conclusion of treaties with maritime nations, and for the protection and encouragement of the commerce of the republic. The president speaks with pride of the good order of society, the mildness of the laws, and the protection they afford, and of the fame of Mexican opulence having attracted a vast concourse of foreigners into the country, and submits to congress the propriety of encouraging their enterprise, by exclusive privileges.

The nation is tranquillized, and faction has subsided; it is not only in the enjoyment of independence, but of peace and security, which are the first fruits of republican institutions. The pow er of Spain is annihilated, and the government, respected and energetic, is advancing steadily in the great work of regenerating the nation. With such distinguished patriots and enlightened statesmen as Guadaloupe Victoria, and general Bravo, the president and vice president, Alaman, secretary of state, and others less known, but perhaps not less worthy, at the head of affairs, we have every thing to hope. The measures of the government, hitherto, have been marked by wisdom, foresight, and political sagacity. The administration combines vigour with a respect for the rights of the people and of the states, and with a sacred regard for the constitution. It has reduced the army, adopted measures for the organization of a national militia, and acquired a respectable marine, fully adequate to the defence of the country against Spain. It has adopted a system of primary education, reorganized the old colleges, and established new ones; corrected some of the abuses of the ecclesiastical system, restored the natives to the rights of men and citizens, and encouraged them in habits of industry. Freemasonry, at the very time that it is proscribed in Spain, is introduced into Mexico, under the patronage of the officers of the government. A lodge has been installed in the capital by Mr. Poinsett, the minister of the United States; and liberal principles seem rapidly gaining ground.

The Mexican republic has a larger territory than that of the original United States, with a milder climate, and greater national resources; it has nearly twice the population the North American states had at the period of their separation from Great Britain although its character is inferior; it has made our institutions the model of its own, and what reason is there to doubt that its career will be as successful and glorious as has been that of the republic of the north? If we had brave generals, distinguishe

patriots, and enlightened statesmen, so has Mexico; if we had a Washington, she has a Victoria, who is scarcely less entitled to be regarded as the father of his country. If we have preserved our freedom, guarding it against all tendencies to despotism on the one hand, and popular anarchy on the other: avoided civil commotions, and defended ourselves from foreign aggression and violence, who can say that Mexico will not be equally successful? The republican institutions of the United States were in a great measure an experiment; but Mexico has the light of our example to direct her course; she has copied from a correct model, and it now only remains for her to preserve the likeness of the copy to the original, and her destiny will not be less glorious than her illustrious prototype, the first American republic. The influence of liberty is the same every where; in the torrid as in the temperate zone, on the table-lands of Mexico as on the rugged hills of New England.

A large portion of the Mexican territory, like that of the United States, is unsettled, and in a state of nature, and is capacious enough to carve out states which would double the present number, as has already been done in the northern confederacy. The vast interior regions of the east, north, and west, are very fertile, enjoying a fine climate, possessing great facilities and advantages for settlements, and are capable of sustaining an immense population. Mexico affords flattering prospects to foreign emigrants, and the government is fully sensible of the advantages of recruiting its population from other nations. It is no longer prophesy to say, that the time is not distant when there will be two great republics in North America, each uniting numerous subordinate republics, and possessing a vast population, free and enlightened, enjoying all the blessings of liberty and republican institutions.

CHAPTER XII.

General provisions of the constitution of 1824-meeting of the first Congress-general tranquillity and prosperity of the coun try-Commodore Porter arrives in the country-appointed to command the Mexican Navy-Congress of Panama-decree of expulsion against the natives of Old Spain-Montano's insurrection-Vice President Bravo joins it—is taken and banished the country-second election of President-Gomez Pedraza elected-bloody conflict in the streets of Mexico-Pedrazu deposed and Guerero declared President-Spanish invasion— Guerero made dictator-Spanish invading force under General Barrados surrenders to the Mexicans-Guerero abolishes slavery-resigns his authority as dictator and is deposed by the Vice President Bustamente, under the pretext of restoring constitutional order—arbitrary and tyrannical conduct of Busta. mente-spiritless character of the Mexicans -Santa Anna con. spires against Bustamente-succeeds, and is elected President -supposed triumph of the liberal party-real character of Santa Anna discloses itself-he abolishes the constitution of 1824, and establishes a military despotism, under the name of centralism-resistance of the Zacatecans—they are subdued by Santa Anna--he marches an army into Texas-is defeated at the battle of San Jacinto, and becomes a prisoner to the Texians.

THE framers of the Mexican constitution of 1824 had professed to regard that of the United States as a model, and to have followed it in all its essential provisions, and to one not particularly acquainted with the benefits of the system, it would appear that they had adopted every important part of it.

In the distribution of the powers of government into three parts -in entrusting each to a separate magistracy-in defining the limits of each-in creating a single executive-in giving him a qualified veto-in constituting a legislature of two branches, with concurrent authority-in apportioning the numbers of each branch, and in the manner of electing and appointing most of the officers of the general government--in all those striking provi sions which figure so largely in the constitution of the United States as to occupy almost the whole ground, the Mexican con