"Here the President paused for a few seconds, and disenga. ged his sword.]

"It now, sir, becomes my duty to make a presentation of this sword, this emblem of my past office. I have worn it with some humble pretensions, in defence of my country; and should the danger of my country again call for my services, I expect to respond to that call, if needful with my blood and my life."

Congress then entered upon their constitutional duties. The necessary laws for the full organization of the new government demanded and received their first attention. The various offices were then filled by President Houston, with the consent of the senate. The most important of which are the following:

Wm. H. Wharton, and Memacum Hunt, Ministers to the United States.

Congress continued in session until the 22d of December, during which time all the measures which seemed to call for their immediate action had been disposed of. The most important relating to the internal affairs of the country, were those of finance, connected with which was the establishment of a general land office, and various regulations for the security, survey, and sale of the public domain-and of foreign relations; an effort to procure an acknowledgment of their independence by the United States, and an admission into the union, in conformity to the ex. pressed wishes of the people.

The new city of Houston, which had recently sprung into existence, situated at the head of navigation upon Buffalo Bayou, was fixed upon by congress as the future seat of government until 1840, and the session was closed by an adjournment, to meet at that place in the following May.

The season was marked by the death of two distinguished individuals, whose memory will long be cherished by the people of Texas. The one, Stephen F. Austin, the father of the colony, and endeared by every sentiment of love and gratitude, which are associated with that reverential relation. The other, Lorenzo de Zavala, a Mexican, but ever the consistent friend and supporter of civil and religious liberty, and therefore the fast friend VOL. 1.

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of Texas, in her present struggle, in a cause to which he had devoted his whole life.

Austin's eventful life is identified with the whole history of Texas, and a biographical notice, however brief, would be but a repetition of the principal events of that history.

Zavala was a native of one of the southern provinces of Mexi co, and one of the first to embark in the struggle for liberty and independence, in opposing the pretensions of Spain. His courage and zeal in the cause, and the high qualifications which he brought to its support, merited and procured him early distinction. He past successively through some of the most important posts of the republic,-member of congress from his native state -member and president of the convention that framed the constitution of 1824-governor of the state of Mexico under the presidency of Victoria-secretary of state under that of Guerero, and minister to France under Santa Anna. He rose and fell with liberty in Mexico, and whenever liberty flourished there, Zavala was called to fill some important post in the administration. He had been active in overthrowing the usurpation of Bustamente. And Santa Anna, who envied the tyrant only for his power, having been the most conspicuous actor in his overthrow, and being thereupon elected to the presidency, dared not disregard the merits of Zavala, which would be regarded as a test of his sincerity. But in assigning him a post, was careful to remove him from the country. And thus while he appeared to respect the sentiments of the liberals, he was the more effectually ad. vancing his designs, by removing out of his way the man whose opposition he most dreaded. Zavala, while at the French court, kept himself well informed of the progress of affairs in Mexico, and when the purposes of Santa Anna began to unfold themselves, he took the liberty, in a letter, to expostulate with him in decided, but respectful terms, against the tendency of his measures to centralism.

But the designs of the president, to overthrow the federal republic, in order to establish a military despotism upon its ruins, becoming too manifest to be longer doubted, he resigned his commission, and embarked for the United States. On his arrival, he proceed. ed immediately to Texas, well knowing the character of her population, and that they would not tamely surrender their constitu. tional rights, and submit to be governed by arbitrary power. He had ever been a warm advocate for the colonization system, and especially favored the introduction of the citizens of the Uni. ted States into the Mexican territories. Duly estimating the value of our institutions, he had aided greatly by his influence in moulding those of his own country into the same form; and he hoped much from the example and influence of emigrants

from the United States, in diffusing among the Mexican population the spirit of our institutions.

On his arrival in Texas, Zavala found himself associated with a people, whose estimate of the blessings of liberty corresponded with his own. He was warmly welcomed, and entered heartily into all their measures for resisting the demands of despotic pow. er. The convention, which declared the independence, and framed the constitution of Texas, in organizing a government ad interim, elected Zavala vice president. This post was conferred upon him without his solicitation, and against his wishes. on a suggestion that the intelligence of his filling that station might produce a favorable impression in Mexico, and possibly rouse his friends to resist the usurper, he consented to hold the place for the brief term of his election.

But

He bravely met the tyrant, and the unhallowed instruments of his power, in the ever memorable field of San Jacinto, and remained to his latest breath, ardently attached to that cause, to the advancement of which he had devoted the best part of his life. His literary labors and his example survive, as a legacy to his countrymen; both may be profitably read, and we cannot but hope, at no distant day, will exert a happy influence upon the condition of a people, now enthralled in the bonds of superstition. During the early part of the winter of 1836-7, the disposition of their Illustrious prisoner, a question which for several months had perplexed the minds of the authorities and people of Texas, was finally settled. A large and respectable portion of the citi zens, including several officers of the civil government, and most of those of the army, strongly urged the justice and propriety of subjecting him to trial and execution, if found guilty of the imputed charge, (of the truth of which there can be no doubt,) of having ordered the massacre of the prisoners at Goliad. It was a question of policy merely, as no one doubted the right of such a proceeding.

Little or no expectation was entertained that Mexico would regard the stipulations of the treaty that Santa Anna, while a pris. oner, had assumed the authority to conclude, in virtue of his office of President of the Mexican Republic. Still, it was believed that his preservation might in some way be useful to Texas, and that his death would not now conduce in any way to the safety or security of the country. It would be an act merely of vindic tive justice, scarcely tolerated by enlightened public sentiment in the present age. Public feeling in Texas, which had been so justly indignant at his cowardly assassination of unarmed men, placed in his power only after an express stipulation for their safe. ty from his own officers, had now been softened by time; and an

arrangement for his return to Mexico, by the way of the United States, was permitted to be carried into effect.

A question now felt to be of deeper interest, occupied the public mind in Texas during the winter and spring, until relieved by the gratifying intelligence of the manner in which it was disposed of. We allude to the acknowledgment of their independence by the Congress of the United States; before whom it was understood the question was then under consideration.

The time was felt to be highly important, as in the perform. ance of an act of justice, generosity, or of simple courtesy, there is a time beyond which it cannot be delayed, without robbing it of all its value or grace; nay more, in regard to conciliating the feelings of the recipient; it had better afterwards be left undone. As the mind, keenly sensible to its own honor and dignity, will resent an insult sooner than an injury. The relation in which the people of Texas stand to the United States, gave a two-fold edge to their feelings on this delicate question. The withholding or delaying the performance on the part of the United States, would have been felt as if a father, or an elder brother, had delayed the performance of a simple act of kindness, where credit and reputation was supposed to suffer by the delay.

But the act in this case was seasonably performed, and the kindred tie, strong before, was made stronger by this act of simple courtesy, bestowed with becoming grace. Grateful for this, the people of Texas have proposed, as the most suitable return, to surrender that independence, and submerge their sovereignty in this great confederacy of states. That which she now asks, can scarcely be called so much as an act of simple courtesy. To receive a present handsomely offered, is rather an act of duty. But the most ungracious of all acts, is that of refusing a present deemed precious by the giver, under circumstances which exhibit a contempt for its value. Texas has proposed to surrender her Sovereignty, so far as the states of this union have surrendered theirs, to our national government, and that sovereignty extends over a territory lying contiguous and projecting into the present territory of the union-a country, too, over which we have repeatedly exhibited a strong solicitude to obtain jurisdiction. The offer comes free and unsolicited, with no condition annexed, accompanied with indubitable evidence that it has been made by the unanimous wish of the inhabitants. Never was offer made with better grace. And what is the return that is asked? Is it protection? It can be nothing else; and she has exhibited proof before an admiring world, that she is capable of protecting herself, against the most powerful nation on the continent, save the United States; and she cannot fear subjection from us, since she voluntarily offers it.

Can it be possible that there is a single citizen in the United States, to whom the stability and permanency of this union is dear, who can contemplate with complacency the growth of a rival republic in immediate contiguity, peopled by our own race, nay by our own citizens !-No it is not possible. A single glance at the proposition, exhibits it fraught with all the hideous consequences of a dissolution of the present union-a dismemberment of one of its parts. It would indeed be a virtual dissolution, sundering the bond which unites our people, and all those fearful conflicts which never fail to spring up between brothers and friends, become rivals, may be predicted with equal certainty. Even if the new republic, (a very probable event,) did not be. come a nucleus to draw about it some of the contiguous states, assimilated as they would be in climate and productions, in local interests, and in manners, habits and sentiments.

The question has taken us by surprise. Among the dangers which beset this union, that which would spring from the rise and growth of a new republic upon our borders never was seriously contemplated, because it was scarcely believed to be among pos sible contingencies. And now when it is presented, it comes in form and magnitude so little alarming, that we scarcely pause to examine it. It is but a speck in the horizon, from which it would be folly to predict the tempest. A mere handful of our own people, who left us, as it were but yesterday, looking yet with unabated fondness at the home, kindred and friends, they left behind, have to-day erected an independent republic upon our borders. All this we feel and know to be true, and it is this which has led them to make the offer of a surrender of that independent sovereignty, the very semblance of which, after a few years possession, has been cherished even by the most diminutive state in the world, as the dearest attribute among the gifts of heaven. And so will it soon come to be regarded by the people of Texas, when in a few years, perhaps in a few months, they shall have acquired a keen relish for the exercise of sovereign power, and when those sentiments of love and gratitude which induced an offer to surrender it, shall have been cooled by the lapse of time, or stifled by resentment for what may be deemed a contemptuous rejection of the offered boon. It is believed that every citizen of the United States, who has fairly and candidly examined the question in all its bearings, will admit that dangers of fearful magnitude may be justly apprehended from the permanent independent existence of Texas. But such an event is scarcely contemplated as possible. The annexation at no distant day is expected to happen almost in course. In the mean time no danger is ap prehended from delay, because it is believed that the evil may be arrested at pleasure. The most common maxims of prudence VOL. I. 31*