delay justice is injustice.' The truest end of life is, to find the life that never ends.'-' To do evil that good may come of it, is bungling in politics as well as in morals.' Many of his maxims are political, Ministers of state should undertake their posts at their peril; if princes wish to override them, let them show the laws and resign: if fear, gain, or flattery prevail, let them answer for it to the law.'

His second work is more original in form and substance. In An Essay towards the present and future Peace of Europe,' he inquires into the polity of nations, the causes which lead to war,— the conditions necessary to peace. He finds that the great aim of statesmanship is to secure peace and order; and he demonstrates that these ends are to be obtained more readily and certainly by justice than by war. But the question then occurs -How can justice be obtained for nations except by force? He reviews the history of society, and finds that in early times individuals stood in the place of states; every man assumed the right to be a judge in his own cause-every man claimed to be his own avenger. As society advanced from a ruder to a more civilized form, the individuals bound themselves to submit to general restrictions: to give up the old right of judging and avenging their own quarrels for the public good. Why then should not Europeans do for themselves, that which Celts and Teutons, Franks and Scandinavians, have already done on a smaller scale? As England has its Parliament, France its States-General, Germany its Diet

-each in its sphere over-ruling private passion,he proposes that Europe shall have her Congress. Before this sovereign council he would have disputes of nation and nation heard; and its decisions carried out by the united power of Europe. He refers to Henri Quatre and his League of Peace, and from the United Provinces that peace proves might easily be kept if kings and statesmen would but try.

These dreams were all connected with his great Experiment.

Colonel Fletcher, a mere soldier, coarse, abrupt, unlettered, was a stranger to his ideas and intentions; and there was only too much reason to fear that he would overturn that peaceful and popular constitution which had been framed with so much thought. Penn never doubted that in the end he should be able to regain his colony, and continue, under happier auspices, his great Experiment; but he also saw that mischief done in a day might require years of patient government to retrieve. He therefore wrote a letter to the newly appointed officer in which he warned him to tread softly and with caution-as the soil and the government belonged to him as much as his crown belonged to the King. His charter, he said, had been neither attacked nor recalled; in the face of the law he was still master of his province; and as he was an Englishman, he would maintain his right.

To his friends and to the officers of his government in Philadelphia, he wrote, advising them to insist with moderation on their charters. He told

them to hear patiently; to obey the crown whenever it spoke in the voice of law; to meet assertions that the French and Indians would attack them, not by quoting their own notions of war and the friendly relations of the Iroquois―vain arguments to such a man as Fletcher-but by showing how well their territory was defended by nature, being equally unassailable by land and sea.

Fletcher began his reign by an attempt to abrogate the whole body of the colonial laws. Himself an ultra-Royalist, the laws of Pennsylvania violated all his notions of propriety. When the Assembly objected to this sweeping measure, he showed them his commission under the great seal of England. In reply, they pointed to their charter, also under the great seal of England; and some of those who held commissions from the proprietor at once withdrew from the Assembly. Before Fletcher went to Philadelphia, he had written for supplies: the Quakers had returned for answer, they had nothing to send him, except their good wishes. Vexed at their obstinacy, he repaired to the seat of government, and asked them for a subsidy. The Assembly answered with a list of grievances. No terms could be made; they would not give up a single law. Fletcher felt himself committed; and to save his honour, he proposed to re-enact the code as it then stood. The Assembly would not consent. 'We are but men who represent the people,' said John White, 'we dare not begin to re-enact any one of the laws, lest we seem to admit that all the rest are void.' Fletcher was in a mess. His object was to

obtain a vote of money; and the colonists would only give it on their own conditions. At last he submitted. On receiving from him a distinct recognition of their legislative powers, the Assembly granted him a penny in the pound, stipulating, as a salve to tender consciences, that not a farthing of it should be dipt in blood. A A permanent advantage remained with the chamber at the close of this dispute; they had bought the right to originate bills; and this right they ever afterwards maintained. Dissatisfied with his new command, Fletcher wrote a letter to the King, urging, in the strongest terms, the impossibility of gaining a regular warvote in Pennsylvania, and praying his Majesty to consider the propriety of forming that colony, New York, the Jerseys, and Connecticut, into one state, with a general assembly, as the only means of outvoting the Quakers, and compelling them to lend their aid in the common defence. The King's displeasure fell on Penn; and the Privy Council went so far as to order the Attorney-general to inspect his patent, and see if some legal flaw could not be found in it.

In the latter part of the year 1692, Rochester, Somers, Henry Sydney, and Sir John Trenchard, made an effort to put an end to the shame of seeing Penn deprived of his liberty. Ranelagh, Rochester, and Romney, went to the King and laid the whole case before him. William answered that Penn was his old acquaintance as well as theirs; that he had nothing to say against him; that he was at liberty to go about his affairs just as he pleased. The

Lords pressed his Majesty to send this message to Sir John Trenchard, principal Secretary of State, and Romney was selected as its bearer on account of his intimacy with Penn. Trenchard was glad to convey these tidings to his old benefactor; he spoke with feeling of the unsolicited kindness he had received from Penn in the dark times of Monmouth and Sydney; and was pleased to have it in his power to show that he was not ungrateful. Penn was not content that the matter should end in this private way. The act of The act of grace looked like a pardon-he wanted an acquittal. He asked

his friends to get him a public hearing; and in November a council was called at Westminster, before which he defended his conduct so completely to the King's satisfaction, that he was absolved from every charge.

Guli's health was now completely breaking. She had never been herself again since Penn was forced to quit his home. She followed him into his hidingplaces; she and Springett, now a bright and gentle child, too grave and learned for his years, and with a wan and hectic face. Her troubles bore her down. At Hoddesden, where they found a sheltering roof, she drooped and died; the 'one of ten thousand, the wise, chaste, humble, modest, constant and undaunted' daughter of Sir William Springett; died in exile, as it were, away from all the comforts of her home. Her end was very sweet, and she was laid among the grassy mounds at Jordans, near the lovely village where she first set maiden eyes on William Penn.