CHAPTER III.

Influence of the Military System on the Lower Classes, and the Means of mitigating its Effects.

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We have thus far considered the point of honour only as producing the custom of private war, where it is acknowledged to possess a paramount authority; but, although duels do not actually descend to the lower classes, their influence is felt by the whole community. The divine law, being in one instance superseded, loses its due power in general; and motives of expedience or of apparent utility become sufficient to license deviations from that rule which revelation has marked out for our moral conduct. Whilst our most respectable, and, on other occasions, most conscientious countrymen, in order to revenge a personal offence, assume the right of consigning to misery an immortal soul, we cannot be surprised, that the multi

tude, when they are not restrained by immediate penalties, should make little scruple of transgressing rules enforced by religion. Accordingly, in a large and most important part of our fellow-subjects, whose leaders in a peculiar manner observe the laws of honour, a depravity of morals is tolerated, which leads on to most formidable consequences. The danger of this corruption we should readily perceive, did we see it actually spreading through the whole of our population. But, confiding in the loyalty of our officers and the discipline of our seamen and soldiers, we give up their religious principles, at least their religious practice, as a difficulty which we cannot manage, or as a wild waste that cannot be reduced to culture.

The subject however puts on a new form, when we consider, that European politics require, even in this commercial country, a military establishment, bearing some proportion to the whole body of the people; for the supply of which, our youth are taken into the ranks at an age unthought of by our forefathers. The tender but elastic sinews of a

stripling, are soon brought to a degree of accuracy in the manual exercise scarcely attainable by one whose joints are stiffened by the toils of husbandry or manufactures. These novices, in the course of a few months, acquiring a right to full pay, are provided with the means of that indulgence to which their intervals of repose invite them, and become profligate before they arrive at full maturity.

Far be it from us to detract from the merits of men to whom we are most deeply indebted; but, their warmest advocate would acknowledge the moral disadvantages of a military life, and the uncommon strength of principle which is necessary to overcome their influence.

Under such circumstances, we cannot frequently expect eminent examples of religious conduct; yet is it earnestly to be wished, that our seamen and soldiers should be as distinguished for virtue, as they are for valour.

We naturally wish the best of blessings to those who endanger their lives for their

country; not to mention that on the moral conduct of our military men, in no small degree, depends our national credit. Compared, in this respect, with the military of other nations, the British are entitled to a striking preference; and, as a proof of their superiority, we might propose the question, what soldiers or seamen would be most likely to treat the inhabitants of a town taken by storm with humanity?

But, notwithstanding this comparative excellence, our land forces in particular call for an increased attention, on account, both of their vast augmentation *, and the early age at which they are now trained to the use of arms. It is an acknowledged truth, that assemblies of men, if left to themselves, become vicious in proportion to their numbers; and this corruption must of course be aggravated by the youth of those who are exposed to the contagion.

* This expression, undoubtedly, was first used in reference to the numbers of the army during war, The necessary extension of the peace-establishment may, perhaps, be allowed to justify the continuance of the phrase.

On being enlisted, many of them are removed from opportunities which they would have possessed, of domestic discipline and religious instruction; and all are introduced to a degree of liberty as moral agents, to a command of money, and to ideas of personal importance, which are most unfavourable to the cultivation of right principles.

Any parent, by transferring the case to his own child, must perceive the danger; and from one so dear, he would exert his utmost to ward it off. For these children of the public, we ought individually to feel a parental tenderness; since to them we look forwards as the instruments of our defence against foreign and domestic enemies.

The courage and contempt of danger continually exhibited by our soldiers and seamen, command respect and admiration, and all must wish that qualities most useful to the state should be united with virtues essential to the good of its defenders. In some instances, they are thus united, and would be

so more frequently, if our military enjoyed the same advantages with men who are en