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against rising security, by heedless bounty; and against resting consequences on gratitude for benefits conferred. No confideration ever withholding a people from asserting what they deem their parti. cular intereft, the moment they perceive it, and feel themselves equal to the attempt. National gratitude, in this view, is political nonsense.

It is natural to take up the treatise now before us, in the character of the laft gradation of patriotism Itated above; and to with all the distrelles of Ireland removed, not because the inhabitants are men like ourselves, for so are our most inveterate enemies; but for the best reason in the world, because Ireland is a contiguous member of the fame body politic; her proximity of fituation dictating considerations on boch sides, that could not take place in equal degrees, were the island a thousand leagues removed from that of Britain. The jatelligent Author, who writes from Dublin, gives a clear historical detail of the commercial circumstances of Ireland, in an easy epistolary style; from which it appears, that the present distresses of that country originated with the prohibition of exporting woollen mangfactures, which was imposed toward the latter end of the reign of William III. To check the nacural trade of a country, is certainly the most direct mode of distreling it; for as this writer observes, • a country will sooner recover from the miseries and devastation occafioned by war, invasion, rebellion, massacre, than from laws restraining the commerce, discouraging the manufactures, fettering the industry, and above all, breaking the spirits of the people.'

It would be tedious to the generality of our readers, to enter into the dry detail of acts of parliament and commercial regulations and calculations; in the present train of things, the conclufion of this feries of letters may suffice to convey an idea of the general subject.

• In extraordinary cases, where the facts are stronger than the voice of the pleader, it is not unusual to allow the client co speak for him. felf. Will you, my lord, one of the leading advocates for Ireland, allow her to address her elder sister, and to liate her own cale; not in the strains of pasion or resentment, nor in the tone of remontrance, but with a modelt enumeration of unexaggerated facts in pathetic fimplicicy; she will tell her, with a countenance full of affection and tenderness, “ I have received from you invaluable gifts, the law of * common right, your great charter, and the fundamentals of your conftitution. The temple of liberty in your country, has been frequently fortified, improved and embellished; mine erected many centuries since the persect model of your own; you will not suffer me to Arengthen, secure, or sepair; firm and well cemented as it is, it mult moulder under the band of Time for want of that attention, which is due to the venerable fabric t. We are connected by the Arongest ties of natural affection, common security, and a long in terchange of the kindeit offices on both sides. But for more than a

• The common law of England.

+ Heads of bills for passiog into a law the habeas corpus act, and that for making the tenure of judges during good behaviour, have Tepea:edly passed the Irish house of commons, but were not returned.


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century you have, in some instances, mistaken our mutual interesti. I fent you my herds and my flocks, filled your people with abundance, and gave them leisure to attend to more profitable pursuits thao the humble employment of shepherds and of herdsmen. But you rejected my produce *, and reprobated this intercourse in terms the molt opprobrious. I submitted ; the temporary loss was mine, but the perpetual prejudice your own. I incited my children to irdultry, and gave them my principal materials to manufacture +. Their honest labours were attended with moderate success, but fafa ficient to awaken the commercial jealousy of some of your fons; indulging their groundless apprehenfions, you desired my materials and discouraged the induftry of my people. I complied with your wishes, and gave to your children the bread of my own; but the enemies of our race were the gainers; they applied themselves with tenfold increase to thole pursuits which were restrained in my people, who would have added to the wealth and Itrength of your empire what by chis fatal error you transferred to foreign nations. You held out another object to me, with promises of the utmost en. couragement s. I wanted the means, but I obtained them from other countries, and have long cultivated, at great expence, and with the most unremitted efforts, that species of industry which you recommended. You foon united with another great family ý, engaged in the same pursuit, which you were also obliged to encourage among them, and afterwards embarked in it yourself, and became my rival in that which you had destined for my principal support. This fupport is now become inadequate to the increased number of my offspring, many of whom want the means of subsistence. My ports are ever hospitably open for your reception, and shut, whenever your interest requires it, agzinit all others; but your's are in many infances barred against ne: with your dominions in Asia, Africa, and America, my sons were long deprived of all beneficial intercourse; and yet to thosc colonies I transported my treasures for the payment of your armies, and in a war waged for their defence, one hundred thousand of my fons fought by your fideli. Conqueft attended our arms. You gained a great increase of empire and of commerce ; and my people a farther extension of reitraints and prohibitions t. In those efforts I have exhauited my strengih, mortgaged my terri. tories, and am now sinking under the pressure of enorinous debts contracted from my zealous attachment to your intereits, to the excenfion of your empire, and the increase of your glory. By the pre

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The English act of Ch. II. calls the importation of cattle from
Ireland, a common nuisance.
+ Wool.
I Tne linen manufacture.

|| This number of Irishmen was computed to have served in the
feets and armies of Great Britain during the last war.

t. The furs of Canada, che indigo of Florida, the sugars of Dominica, St. Vincent's, and the Grenades, with every other valuable production of those acquisitions, Ireland was prohibited to receive but through another channel. Her poverty scarcely gathered a crumb from the sumptuous table of her fifter.'


fent unhappy war for the recovery of those colonies, from which they were long excluded, my children are reduced to the lowest eb) of poverty and distress. It is true, you have lately with the kindest intentions, allowed me an extensive liberty of selling to the inhabisants of those parts of your empire, but they have no inducement to buy, because I cannot take their produce in return. Your liberality has opened a new fountain, but your caution will not suffer me to draw from it. The stream of commerce, intended to refresh the exhausted ftrength of my children, flies untarted from their parched lips.

The common parent of all has been equally beneficent to us both. We both potless in great abundance the means of industry and of happiness. My fields are not less fertile, ror my harbours less numerous than your's. My fons are not less renowned than your owa for valour, justice, and generofily. Many of them are your descendents, and have some of your best blood in their veins. But the narrow policy of man has counteraced the in'lintts and the bounties of nature. In the midst of those fertile fields, some of my children perilh before my eyes for want of food, and others fly for refage to hoftile nations.

“ Suffer no longer, respected filter, the narrow jealousy of commerce to mislead the wisdom and to impair the strength of the state. Increase my resources, they hall be your's; my riches and trength, my poverty and weakness will become your own. What a triumph to our enemies, and what an affliction to me, in the present distracted circumstances of the empire, to see my people reduced, by the necelity of avoiding famine, to the resolution of trafficking almost folely with themselves! Great and powerful enemies are combined against you, many of your distant connections have deserted you, increase your strength at home, open and extend the numerous resources of my country, of which you have not hitherto availed your. self or allowed me the benefit. Our increased force, and the full exertions of our ítrength, will be the most effectual mcans of refifting the combination formed against you by foreign enemies and diitant subjects, and of giving new luitre to our crowns, and happiness and contentment to our people.”

The voice of our filter has been attended to, and the has since expressed herself in the language of acknowledgment, and reconciliation. Art. 16. Terms of Conciliation: or, Confiderations on a Free

Trade in Ireland'; on Penfions on the Irish Establishment; and on an Union with Ireland. Addressed to the Duke of Northumberland. 8vo. 25. Millidge. 1779.

This loose, vague declamation displays just knowledge enough to fornith out an oration for Coachmaker's-Hall, or any other fix-penny club for beer and politics. Who the writer is, does not appear, but we are more than once given to understand, thar a disregard of bis advice produced all our American troubles: poflibiy then, the dread of neglecting him a second time, may have proved a lucky circumfance for Ireland at this juncture,

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Art. 17. Impartial Thoughts on a Free Trade to the Kingdom of

Ireland. In a Letter to Lord North. Recommended to the Confideration of every British Senator, Merchant, and Manufacturer, in this Kingdom. 8vo. 1 s. Millidge. 1779.

This may probably be the same letter-writer trying his dexterity on the other side of the question ; and it is not easy to decide between them, on the preference of execution.

POLITICA L. Art. 18. Renovation without Violence yet possible. 8vo. 6d.

Longman. 178c. The renovation here recommended to our attention, is that of the British constitution of government; which conftitution the Author considers as reduced to a state of debility and corruption. His plan is, to unite into one body of confederate states, the several diftinct parts of the empire, including North America, and the East and Welt Indies. He seems to be rather warmly attached to his project ; but, though not a very dispallionate writer, he offers some striking observations ;-and in times like these, or in any times, every man fhould be heard, who has any thing to propose for the welfare of the community.- Solomon hath afferted, (and who shall dispute with Solomon :) that“ in the multitude of counsellors there is safety." Art. 19. A Letter to the Whigs. 8vo. 1S. Almon. 1780.

An honeft, telty, plain, old-fashioned disciple of John Locke (for such he prosesses himself) here avows his utter abhorrence of the reviving doctrines of passive obedience and non-resistance, with all their odious train of despotic ideas. He earnestly expatiates on the manifold corruptions of the state, and recommends truly patriotic associations, as the only means of working out our political salva. tion. This zealous Whig seems to express the dictates of a warm heart, in a blunt, unequivocal flyle, which, to many readers, will be more acceptable than the smoother strain of more polished wri. ters, and more refined reasoners. Art. 20. The Republican Form of Prayer, which ought to be

used in all Churches and Chapels, &c. on Friday the 4th of February, being the Day appoin:ed for a General Fast, &c. Without his Majesty's special Command. Svo. 19 Pages for 1 s. Biadon. 1783.

Republican politics in scripture language; or, the Bible turn'd American, Art. 21.. Difpassionate Thoughts on the American War; addressed

to the Moderate of all parties. 8vo. is. Wilkie. 1780. Truly dispassionate, and sensible. The advice given by this mo. derate and judicious Writer, is, that we should immediately relinqoill the American war, as a scheme not only impracticable, but impolitic; and then to turn our whole national frength againft the house of Bourbon : with whom, he thinks, we are able to cope, with every proipect of success. What he urges on this very important Tubject, is the m worthy of attention, as he does not seem to be a party mar. If he appears to lean any way, it is toward administra


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Art. 22. The Detector, No. I. to be continued occasionally,

during the present Sefion of Parliament. 8vo. 6d. Becket. 1780.

SPECIMEN. To prevent these little squalls from gathering into a hurricane, government should send some press.gangs to attend these county affociations ; for many of those who are appointed to the Committee of Correspondence, as well at York as at Middlesex, come within the meaning of the act; and I am of opinion they would appear more respectable in the subordinate character of a foldier, than a politician, as they seem to have more spirit than wisdom, more ardour than discretion, and more foliy than judgment.' Art. 23. The Sense of the People: In a Letter to Edmund

Burke, Esq; on his intended Motion in the House of Commons, the uth Init.. Containing some Observations on the Petitions now fabricating, and the proposed Associations. 8vo. Becket. 1780.

Intended to prove that the sense of the associators, &c. is not the sense of the people : a very small proportion of whom (the Author contends) have acquiesced in the resolutions of those who have as. fifted ar the county meetings. This seems to be a halty writer, animaled rather by an excels of zeal for the cause of administration, than by knowledge or judgment. Art. 24. The Confitution of Englard; in Five Letters: As they

were publithed in the Gazetteer in the Month of January, 1778; and now appear to merit a Republication, as they do, in a very clear and masterly Manner, thew the constitutional Right of the collective Body of the People to assemble and to declare their ge. neral Opinion on Matters of Government. To which is added, an Observation on the Impropriety of Petitions preferred by the conftituent Body to the House of Commons, or to either of the other two Branches of parliamentary Power. By a Freeholder of Middlesex; but no Petitioner. 8vo. E. Johnson. 1780.

These letters contain many good, and some uncommon, observa. tions on the nature of our Free constitution: a subject which very few of us a:tend in, and which lill fewer among us understand, Art. 25. Four Letters to the Earl of Carlijk, from 1Villiam Eden,

Esq;, The Third Edition, To which is aided, a Fifth Letter. 8vo. 45. sewed. White, &c. 1780.

In our Review for December lait, we gave some account, fran the first edition, of Mr. Eden's very sensible and elegant cor": ence with Lord Carline, his brother Commiflioner, on the late unsuccessful buliness of our overtures to America. We there remarked, among other observations, that these Letters contain ' a serious, iccurare, and comprehensive review of the present political situation of Ibis country; including dilindt eltimates of our public dificu'ties, and our national relources : from all which the very ingenious Wri. ter “ fees, or thinks he fees, [his own words much solid ground for hope, and none for despondency.”—We added, that whatever are Mr. Eden's principles (for he is undoub:edly partial to adminis tracion) he wrices with a matterly pen--that his mode of argu



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