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against risking fecurity, by heedlefs bounty; and against refting confequences on gratitude for benefits conferred. No confideration ever withholding a people from afferting what they deem their particular intereft, the moment they perceive it, and feel them felves equal to the attempt. National gratitude, in this view, is political nonsense.

It is natural to take up the treatife now before us, in the character of the last gradation of patriotifm ftated above; and to wish all the diftreffes of Ireland removed, not because the inhabitants are men like ourfelves, for fo are our most inveterate enemies; but for the best reafon in the world, becaufe Ireland is a contiguous member of the fame body politic; her proximity of fituation dictating confiderations on both fides, that could not take place in equal degrees, were the island a thousand leagues removed from that of Britain. The intelligent Author, who writes from Dublin, gives a clear historical detail of the commercial circumftances of Ireland, in an easy epiftolary ftyle; from which it appears, that the prefent diftreffes of that country originated with the prohibition of exporting woollen manufactures, which was impofed toward the latter end of the reign of William III. To check the natural trade of a country, is certainly the most direct mode of diftreffing it; for as this writer obferves,— ⚫ a country will fooner recover from the miferies and devastation occafioned by war, invafion, rebellion, maffacre, than from laws reftraining the commerce, difcouraging the manufactures, fettering the industry, and above all, breaking the fpirits of the people.'

It would be tedious to the generality of our readers, to enter into the dry detail of acts of parliament and commercial regulations and calculations; in the prefent train of things, the conclufion of this series of letters may fuffice to convey an idea of the general fubject.

In extraordinary cafes, where the facts are ftronger than the voice of the pleader, it is not unufual to allow the client to speak for himfelf. Will you, my lord, one of the leading advocates for Ireland, allow her to addrefs her elder fifter, and to ftate her own cafe; not in the trains of paffion or refentment, nor in the tone of remontrance, but with a modelt enumeration of unexaggerated facts in pathetic fimplicity; fhe will tell her, with a countenance full of affection and tenderness, "I have received from you invaluable gifts, the law of common right, your great charter, and the fundamentals of your conftitution. The temple of liberty in your country, has been frequently fortified, improved and embellished; mine erected many centuries fince the perfect model of your own; you will not fuffer me to ftrengthen, fecure, or repair; firm and well cemented as it is, it must moulder under the hand of Time for want of that attention, which is due to the venerable fabric +. We are connected by the frongest ties of natural affection, common fecurity, and a long in terchange of the kindeft offices on both fides. But for more than a

The common law of England.

Heads of bills for paffing into a law the habeas corpus act, and that for making the tenure of judges during good behaviour, have repeatedly paffed the Irish houfe of commons, but were not returned.

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century you have, in fome inftances, mistaken our mutual intereft. I fent you my herds and my flocks, filled your people with abundance, and gave them leifure to attend to more profitable purfuits than the humble employment of fhepherds and of herdfmen. But you rejected my produce, and reprobated this intercourfe in terms the most opprobrious. I fubmitted; the temporary lofs was mine, but the perpetual prejudice your own. I incited my children to induftry, and gave them my principal materials to manufacture +. Their honeft labours were attended with moderate fuccefs, but fafficient to awaken the commercial jealousy of fome of your fons; indulging their groundless apprehenfions, you defired my materials and difcouraged the industry of my people. I complied with your wifhes, and gave to your children the bread of my own; but the enemies of our race were the gainers; they applied themfelves with tenfold increase to thofe purfuits which were reftrained in my people, who would have added to the wealth and ftrength of your em pire what by this fatal error you transferred to foreign nations. You held out another object to me, with promifes of the utmost encouragement 1. I wanted the means, but I obtained them from other countries, and have long cultivated, at great expence, and with the most unremitted efforts, that fpecies of induftry which you recommended. You foon united with another great family §, engaged in the fame purfuit, which you were alfo obliged to encourage among them, and afterwards embarked in it yourself, and became my rival in that which you had deftined for my principal fupport. This fupport is now become inadequate to the increafed number of my offfpring, many of whom want the means of fubfiftence. My ports are ever hofpitably open for your reception, and thut, whenever your intereft requires it, against all others; but your's are in many inftances barred against me: with your dominions in Afia, Africa, and America, my fons were long deprived of all beneficial intercourse; and yet to thofe colonies I tranfported my treafures for the payment of your armies, and in a war waged for their defence, one hundred thousand of my fons fought by your fide . Conqueft attended our arms. You gained a great increase of empire and of commerce; and my people a farther extenfion of restraints and prohibitions 4. In thofe efforts I have exhaulted my strength, mortgaged my territories, and am now finking under the preffure of enormous debts contracted from my zealous attachment to your interests, to the extenfion of your empire, and the increase of your glory. By the pre

The English act of Ch. II. calls the importation of cattle from Ireland, a common nuisance.

The linen manufacture.

+ Wool.

§ Scotland. This number of Irishmen was computed to have ferved in the fleets and armies of Great Britain during the last war.

+ The furs of Canada, the indigo of Florida, the fugars of Dominica, St. Vincent's, and the Grenades, with every other valuable production of thofe acquifitions, Ireland was prohibited to receive but through another channel. Her poverty scarcely gathered a crumb from the fumptuous table of her fifter.'

fent

fent unhappy war for the recovery of thofe colonies, from which they were long excluded, my children are reduced to the lowest ebb of poverty and diftrefs. It is true, you have lately with the kindest intentions, allowed me an extenfive liberty of felling to the inhabitants of thofe parts of your empire, but they have no inducement to buy, because I cannot take their produce in return. Your liberality has opened a new fountain, but your caution will not fuffer me to draw from it. The ftream of commerce, intended to refresh the exhausted ftrength of my children, flies untafted from their parched lips.

"The common parent of all has been equally beneficent to us both. We both poffefs in great abundance the means of induftry and of happiness. My fields are not lefs fertile, nor my harbours lefs numerous than your's. My fons are not lefs renowned than your own for valour, juftice, and generofity. Many of them are your defcendents, and have fome of your best blood in their veins. But the narrow policy of man has counteraced the infints and the bounties of nature. In the midst of thofe fertile fields, feme of my children perish before my eyes for want of food, and others fly for refuge to hoftile nations.

"Suffer no longer, refpe&ted fifter, the narrow jealousy of commerce to mislead the wifdom and to impair the ftrength of the ftate. Increase my refources, they fhall be your's; my riches and ftrength, my poverty and weaknefs will become your own. What a triumph to our enemies, and what an affliction to me, in the prefent diftracted circumstances of the empire, to fee my people reduced, by the neceflity of avoiding famine, to the refolution of trafficking almost folely with themfelves! Great and powerful enemies are combined against you, many of your diftant connections have deferted you, increafe your ftrength at home, open and extend the numerous refources of my country, of which you have not hitherto availed yourfelf or allowed me the benefit. Our increafed force, and the full exertions of our strength, will be the most effectual means of refilting the combination formed against you by foreign enemies and distant fubjects, and of giving new luftre to our crowns, and happinefs and contentment to our people.".

The voice of our fifter has been attended to, and fhe has fince exprefied herself in the language of acknowledgment, and reconciliation.

Art. 16. Terms of Conciliation: or, Confiderations on a Free Trade in Ireland; on Penfions on the Irish Establishment; and on an Union with Ireland. Addreffed to the Duke of Northumberland. 8vo. 2s. Millidge. 1779.

This loofe, vague declamation difplays juft knowledge enough to furnish out an oration for Coachmaker's-Hall, or any other fix-penny club for beer and politics. Who the writer is, does not appear, but we are more than once given to understand, that a difregard of his advice produced all our American troubles: poflibly then, the dread of neglecting him a fecond time, may have proved a lucky circumftance for Ireland at this juncture.

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Art. 17. Impartial Thoughts on a Free Trade to the Kingdom of Ireland. In a Letter to Lord North. Recommended to the Confideration of every British Senator, Merchant, and Manufacturer, in this Kingdom. 8vo. I s. Millidge. 1779.

This may probably be the fame letter-writer trying his dexterity on the other fide of the queftion; and it is not easy to decide between them, on the preference of execution.

POLITICA L.

Art. 18. Renovation without Violence yet poffible. 8vo. 6d. Longman. 178c.

The renovation here recommended to our attention, is that of the British conftitution of government; which conflitution the Author confiders as reduced to a state of debility and corruption. His plan is, to unite into one body of confederate states, the several diftin&t parts of the empire, including North America, and the Eaft and Weft Indies. He feems to be rather warmly attached to his project; but, though not a very difpaffionate writer, he offers fome striking obfervations and in times like thefe, or in any times, every man fhould be heard, who has any thing to propofe for the welfare of the community.-Solomon hath afferted, (and who fhall difpute with Solomon) that" in the multitude of counsellors there is fafety." Art. 19. A Letter to the Whigs. 8vo. Is. Almon. 1780.

An honeft, telty, plain, old-fashioned difciple of John Locke (for fuch he profeffes himself) here avows his utter abhorrence of the reviving doctrines of paffive obedience and non-refiftance, with all their odious train of defpotic ideas. He earnestly expatiates on the manifold corruptions of the ftate, and recommends truly patriotic affociations, as the only means of working out our political falvation. This zealous Whig feems to exprefs the dictates of a warm heart, in a blunt, unequivocal flyle, which, to many readers, will be more acceptable than the fmoother strain of more polished writers, and more refined reafoners.

Art. 20. The Republican Form of Prayer, which oUGHT to be ufed in all Churches and Chapels, &c. on Friday the 4th of February, being the Day appointed for a General Faft, &c. Without his Majefty's fpecial Command. Svo. 19 Pages for 1 s. Bladon. 1780.

Republican politics in fcripture language; or, the Bible turn'd American.

Art. 21. Difpaffionate Thoughts on the American War; addreffed to the Moderate of all Parties. 8vo. 1 s. Wilkie. 1780. Tuly difpaffionate, and fenfible. The advice given by this moderate and judicious Writer, is, that we fhould immediately relinquish the American war, as a scheme not only impracticable, but impolitic; and then to turn our whole national ftrength against the house of Bourbon with whom, he thinks, we are able to cope, with every profpect of fuccefs. What he urges on this very important fubject, is the more worthy of attention, as he does not feem to be a party man. If he appears to lean any way, it is toward adminiflra

Art.

Art. 22. The Detector, No. I. to be continued occafionally, during the prefent Seffion of Parliament. 8vo. 6d. Becket. 1780.

SPECIMEN. To prevent thefe little fqualls from gathering into a hurricane, government should fend fome prefs-gangs to attend thefe county affociations; for many of those who are appointed to the Committee of Correfpondence, as well at York as at Middlesex, come within the meaning of the act; and I am of opinion they would appear more refpectable in the fubordinate character of a foldier, than a politician, as they feem to have more fpirit than wifdom, more ardour than difcretion, and more folly than judgment.' Art. 23. The Senfe of the People: In a Letter to Edmund Burke, Efq; on his intended Motion in the Houfe of Commons, the 11th Init. Containing fome Obfervations on the Petitions now Becket. fabricating, and the propofed Affociations. 8vo. 1780.

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Intended to prove that the fenfe of the affociators, &c. is not the fenfe of the people: a very fmall proportion of whom (the Author contends) have acquiefced in the refolutions of those who have affifted at the county meetings. This feems to be a hafty writer, animated rather by an excess of zeal for the caufe of administration, than by knowledge or judgment.

Art. 24. The Conflitution of England; in Five Letters: As they were published in the GAZETTEER in the Month of January, 1778; and now appear to merit a Republication, as they do, in a very clear and matterly Manner, thew the conftitutional Right of the collective Body of the People to affemble and to declare their general Opinion on Matters of Government. To which is added, an Obfervation on the Impropriety of Petitions preferred by the constituent Body to the House of Commons, or to either of the other two Branches of parliamentary Power. By a Freeholder of I S. E. Johnfon. 1780. Middlefex; but no Petitioner. 8vo. Thefe letters contain many good, and fome uncommon, obfervations on the nature of our FREE conftitution: a fubject which very few of us attend to, and which fill fewer among us understand. Art. 25. Four Letters to the Earl of Carlile, from William Eden, Efq; The Third Edition. To which is added, a Fifth Letter. 8vo. 4 s. fewed. White, &c. 1780.

In our Review for December laft, we gave fome account, from the first edition, of Mr. Eden's very fenfible and elegant codes ence with Lord Carlife, his brother Commiffioner, on the late unfuccefsful business of our overtures to America. We there rema.red, among other obfervations, that thefe Letters contain a ferious, Ccurate, and comprehenfive review of the prefent political fituation of this country; including diftin&t eltimates of our public difficulties, and our national refources: from all which the very ingenious Writer" fees, or thinks he fees, [his own words] much folid ground for hope, and none for defpondency."-We added, that whatever are Mr. Eden's principles (for he is undoubtedly partial to adminif tration) he writes with a matterly pen--that his mode of arguM 4

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