eminent modern hiftorians. The great and general caufes of the reformation are to be difcovered in the abfurd doctrines of Popery, the profligate lives of priests, and the rapid diffufion of knowledge, which, after the invention of printing, took place in the fifteenth and fixteenth centuries. These causes operated alike in the feveral countries of Europe which embraced the reformed faith; but the particular mode of reformation adopted by each community, depended on a feries of events, which, as they are lefs palpable and obvious, have generally escaped obfervation. To point out, and to explain the events of this kind which immediately produced the ecclefiaftical eftablishment peculiar to Scotland, is the principal fubject of the work before us; which, we will venture to pronounce, is the clearest and most comprehenfive, as well as the most entertaining performance that we have met with refpecting this important branch of history.

In explaining the immediate and particular caufes of reformation, great attention ought to be paid to the characters of the principal agents employed by Providence to effect this remarkable revolution. Dr. Stuart has bestowed on this part of his fubject the attention which it deferves, and he displays equal induftry and ingenuity in defcribing the motives, manners, and character of the perfons introduced on the fcene of action. As a fpecimen of his abilities in this way, we fhall take the liberty of inferting his character of Lord James Stuart, who was the chief promoter of reformation in Scotland.

This illuftrious man was the natural fon of James V. by Margaret, the daughter of John Lord Erefkine. He had been appointed, at an early age, to the priory of St. Andrews; but he poffeffed not that pacific mind, which, uninterested in the prefent world, delights to look to the future, and to bufy itself in the indolent formalities of devotion. The activity of his nature compelled him to feek agitation and employment; the perturbed period in which he lived fupplied him with fcenes of action; and the eminence of his abilities difplayed itself. He difcovered a paffion for liberty and a zeal for religion; and he diftinguished himfelf by an openness and fincerity of carriage. These popular qualities pleafed the Congregation, and procured to him their confidence. The love of liberty, however, was not, in him, the effect of patriotism, but of pride; his zeal for religion was a political virtue; and under the appearance of opennels and fincerity, he could conceal more fecurely his purposes. Power was the idol which he worshipped; and he was ready to acquire it by methods the most criminal. He was bold, firm, and penetrating. His various mind fitted him alike for intrigue and for war. He was deftined to flourish in the midt of difficulties. His fagacity enabled him to forefee dangers, his prudence to prepare for them, and his fortitude to furmount them. To his talents, his genius, and his refources, Scotland is indebted for the Reformation.

But

But by this memorable atchievement, he meant nothing more than to advance himself in the road to greatness. To this point all his actions were directed. It gave the limits to his generofity, which has been extolled as unbounded. His praife, his carefles, and his fervices, his diffimulation, his perfidioufaefs, and his enmities, were all facrifices to, ambition: and miscarriage, which has ravished fo many laurels from great men, did not tarnish his glory. His fuccefs was fo confpicuous, that he feemed to have the command of fortune.'

From the merit of this fpecimen we are led to regret that the Author has not attempted to give a delineation of the character of the famous John Knox. Dr. S. Has probably restrained himself from this undertaking, because Knox had been so often painted by former writers, of great reputation. We could wish, however, that he had ftill added a few ftrokes of his pencil, which, we are perfuaded, would not have hurt the refemblance, and which, indeed, was to have been expected on this occafion, as Knox is fo capital a figure in a reformation piece, that he has a juft title to be placed in the foreground, and to be drawn at full length.

Dr. S. difcovers a happy talent for relating political trans actions and debates; of which we have a ftriking example in his account of the project of the Queen Regent, for-introducing a ftanding army into Scotland.

In another improvement, which the Queen Regent attempted by the advice of her French council, the manners and genius of the nation were not fufficiently confulted. There are precautions and inftitutions of great utility in themfelves, which do not fuit particuJar conditions of fociety, and which politicians and ftatefmen cannot establish with propriety or fuccefs, till circumstances and time have pointed out and illustrated their expediency. Though a ftanding army had been long familiar to the French, there could be nothing fo impracticable as its introduction at this time into Scotland, which was governed by the free and peculiar maxims of the feudal law. Yet the Queen Regent was induced to venture the experiment. It was proposed that the poffeffions of every proprietor of land in the kingdom hould be valued and entered into regifters; and that a proportional payment should be made by each. The application of this fund was to maintain a regular and standing body of foldiers. This guard or army, it was urged, being at all times in readinefs to march against an enemy, would protect effectually the frontiers; and there would no longer be any neceffity for the nobles to be continually in motion on every rumour of hoftility or incurfion from English invaders. No art, however, or argument, could recommend these measures. A perpetual tax and a standing army were conceived to be the genuine characteristics of defpotifm. All ranks of men confidered themselves to be infulted and abused; and three hundred tenants of the crown affembling at Edinburgh, and giving way to their indignation, fent their remonftrances to the Quee gent in a strong and expreffive language.

• They informed her, that their ancestors had been able not only to protect Scotland, but to acquire renown by carrying their arms into England. They were not degenerated from their ancestors; and England was now lefs powerful. No neceffity exifted for a humiliating taxation, and for bands of mercenaries. The lives and eftates of all the landed proprietors of the nation were at its call. Soldiers, allured with pay, had no fentiment of honour. It was a wild infatuation to confide in them in preference to men who fought for every thing that was most dear to them, their country, their reputation, their families, their fortunes. Money was a feeble tie of duty, and the fervice it bought was cold and languid. And, if mercenaries, when they atchieved their beft, were ineffectual and without zeal as a defence and a barrier, it ought to be remembered that this defence or this barrier, weak as it was, could not be relied upon as certain and fecure. A higher bribe could compafs its treachery; and the kings of England knew how to apply their treasures. In confenting to the elevation of the Queen Regent, they had expressed the good opinion they entertained of her; but whatever confidence they might repofe in the rectitude of her intentions, they were not fure that this tax, and this army, for which she was so anxious, would not be abused by their own princes. From fuch innovations the most deftructive calamities might proceed. They refpected their conftitution as facred; and in its ftability they acknowledged a decifive proof of the wifdom with which it had been framed. They could not, therefore, fubmit to any mockery of its forms, and were not difpofed to furrender any of their natural or political rights. If the fundamental principles of their compact and union were invaded, they would yield to the duties which they owed to themselves and to pofterity; and, drawing their fwords, would employ them to uphold that venerable fabric, which had been built and cemented by the valour and the blood of their ancestors.'

We fhall not attempt to give any fummary of the tranfactions which, in the courfe of about thirty years, led to the final fettlement of the Prefbyterian form of worship in Scotland; an event which happened in the beginning of the year fifteen hundred and fixty-one. There is a rapidity in Dr. Stuart's narration which makes it agreeable to read, but renders it difficult to abridge his work. We fhall therefore conclude this Article with the fenfible, manly, and fpirited reflections which we find at the end of this inftructive and entertaining history.

I have thus endeavoured to defcribe the rife, progrefs, and eftablishment of the Reformation in Scotland; employing a narrative which aims at fimplicity, and which is ambitious to record the truth. From the order and the laws of our nature it perpetually happens that advantages are mixed with misfortune. The conflicts which led to a purer religion, while they excite, under one afpect, the livelieft tranfports of joy, create, in another, a mournful fentiment of fympathy and compaffion. Amidst the felicities which were obtained, and the trophies which were won, we deplore the melancholy ravages of the paffions, and weep over the ruins of ancient magnificence. But while the contentions and the ferments of men, even in the road

to improvements and excellence, are ever deftined to be polluted with mischief and blood, a tribute of the highest panegyric and praise is yet juftly to be paid to the actors in the Reformation. They gave way to the movements of a liberal and a refolute spirit. They taught the rulers of nations, that the obedience of the fubject is the child of juftice, and that men must be governed by their opinions and their reafon. Their magnanimity is illuftrated by great and confpicuous exploits; which at the fame time that they awaken admiration, are an example to fupport and animate virtue in the hour of trial and peril. The existence of civil liberty was deeply connected with the doctrines for which they contended and fought. While they treated with fcorn an abject and a cruel fuperftition, and lifted and fublimed the dignity of man, by calling his attention to a fimpler and a wifer theology, they were ftrenuous to give a permanent fecurity to the political constitution of their ftate. The happiest and the best interefts of fociety were the objects for which they buckled on their armour; and to wish and to act for their duration and ftability are perhaps the moft important employments of patriotifm and public affection. The Reformation may fuffer fluctuations in its forms; but, for the good and the profperity of mankind, it is to be hoped that it is never to yield and to fubmit to the errors and the fuperftitions which it overwhelmed; that it is to guard with anxiety against their advances, to be fcrupulously jealous, and to take an early alarm. In this enlightened age of philofophy and reflexion, it is difficult indeed to be conceived that any ferious attempts to establish them shall be made; yet, if by fome fatality in human affairs, fuch endeavours fhould actually be tried, and fhould fucceed, it may be concluded, without the poffibility of a doubt, that all the boasted freedom which the Reformation has foftered would then perish for ever. The fentiment of liberty, and the fire of heaven which our fathers tranfmitted to their pofterity, would expire and be extinguished. Men would know the debafement of fervility, and forget the honours of their kind. They would renounce their natural, their religious, and their political rights; and be contented to creep upon the earth, to lick its duft, and to adore the caprices and the power of a tyrant.'

We have only to add that, annexed to this Hiftory, we have a judicious felection of the most valuable papers and records respecting the establishment of the reformed religion in Scotland. -For our general opinion of the Author's ftyle, fee our remark at the end of our account of his View of Society in Europe, in the Review for March, 1778, p. 207; and a farther ftricture at the close of the critique on his Obfervations concerning the Law and Conflitution of Scotland, Rev. April 1779, p. 280.

ART. II. A Grammar of the Bengal Languagt. By Nathaniel Braf fey Halhed Printed at Hoogly, in Bengal. Small 4to. 11. 1 s. 1778. Sold by Elmfley in London.

HE wifdom of the British parliament having, within

thefe few years, taken a decifive part in the internal policy and civil adminiftration of its Afiatic territories, and having, by a formal act of authority, in the eftablishment of a fupreme court of juftice, incorporated the kingdom of Bengal with the British empire, it is the duty of a good citizen to put in execution every measure in his power that may tend to complete the great work which has been fo happily begun. No measure appears more proper for this purpofe than the cultivation of a right understanding, and of a general medium of intercourse between the Government and its fubjects; between the natives of Europe, who are to rule, and the inhabitants of India, who are to obey.'

In order to contribute his fhare toward the public fervice, the Author has attempted the prefent grammatical explanation of the vernacular language of Bengal, a language extremely different from that idiom, which, under the name of Moors, has been fuppofed to prevail over all India.

The native language of Bengal is intimately connected with the Shanferit, the grand fource of Indian literature, and the parent of almost every dialect, from the Perfian gulph to the Chinese feas. The Shanferit tongue, which was of the greatest extent, and of the most venerable and unfathomable antiquity, is at prefent fhut up in the libraries of Bramins, and appropri ated to the records of their religion. Traces of its general prevalence may be found in the Perfian and Arabic; and the Hindoftanic or Indian language has exactly the fame connexion with it as the modern dialects of France and Italy have with pure Latin; the groundwork being the fame, the inflexions and arrangement different. But of all Oriental languages, the Bengalefe is the nearest to the Shanferit in expreffion, conftruction, and character.

This circumftance will doubtlefs recommend the prefent performance to the curious, especially if we may credit an af1ertion which the Author gives on the authority of the Raja of Kishenagur, the most learned and able antiquary that Bengal has produced within this century. The Raja fays that he has, in his own poffeffion, Shanfcrit books which give an account of a communication formerly fubfifting between India

Though printed, in the East Indies, in 1778, this Grammar was not published in London till the year 1780.

and