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the end of its three months term of service, and was re-organized, has been thus far, as heretofore stated, $539,428 91; and I am confident that when the whole is closed, which will now be very soon, the entire cost will not exceed $600,000. When it is taken into account that a very large amount of the contracts were necessarily made payable in the war loan bonds at par, which were regarded as worth but ninety cents on the dollar, in the market, and that a very considerable portion of the expenses have been incurred for recruits to fill up regiments already in the field, which had become reduced by sickness or otherwise, I believe it will be found that nowhere in the Union has the like service been performed at a less expense. I think it may also be safely affirmed that no troops have taken the field better provided in all respects, (with the single exception of transportation trains,) than those from Michigan. Of the troops themselves, both officers and privates, I can speak in terms of unreserved commendation. They have honored the State from which they went forth. Never, since Michigan became a State of the Union, did she occupy so high a position among her sister States, as now. This I attribute to her firm, consistent and loyal course throughout the whole controversy. While it was a question of politics the voice of Michigan was never doubtful. Her principles were plainly set forth and in all constitutional ways she maintained them firmly. When it became a question of war, with equal alacrity her people flocked to the standard of the Union to defend their constitutional liberties with their lives. In these straight paths I believe they will continue to the end.

Some differences of opinion have arisen in regard to the proper construction of the law assigning the duties of the Military Contract Board and the State Military Board. It does not seem entirely clear as to which of these is the proper Auditing Board. I recommend that the doubt be removed by amend


I recommend, also, a careful revision of the act "for the relief of the families of voluutes by counties." As the law now

stands it seems to offer a premium to the volunteer to retain the entire amount of his wages received from the United States, and leave the support of his family entirely to the county. The burden upon the counties is becoming very heavy, and the relief does not seem always to be wisely applied. Perhaps the law might be so changed as to make the relief to the families depend upon the volunteer first securing to his family by allotment some reasonable proportion of his wages. Great favoritism, also, is said to be used by some Supervisors, in the dispensation of the fund. For the purpose of correcting this, it is worth considering whether some system of proofs, to be submit ted to the Supervisor, might not be adopted, which should be uniform in all cases. It has also been made a question whether troops raised not under the State laws, but by authority from the War Department, were entitled to the benefits of the law at all. It would gratify the Independent Regiments, so called, if all distinctions between Michigan troops were now removed. The whole subject is submitted to, and I think requires the earnest attention of the Legislature.

In the act for the organization of the new county of Kewee naw, a blunder occured in the boundaries of the territory, which has occasioned some perplexing questions in regard to the legality of the action of the people in the matter. I recommend that a law be enacted fixing the boundaries correctly, and confirming what has already been done in the organization of the county.

Some time since I gave to Mr. Henry T. Q. D'Aligny, a commission to be a Commissioner for this State at the International Exhibition of the works of Industry and Art, to be held in London in 1862. It seemed to me especially desirable that the attention of the capitalists of the world should be drawn to the great mineral resources of Michigan, and for this purpose no method appeared to promise better success than the represen. tation in this exhibition. It was then supposed that every facility would be furnished by the British government to exhib


itors from all nations. This will, no doubt, still be the case, unless our relations with that country should be further complicated by events hereafter to take place. Of course the Commissioner will have no pecuniary assistance or salary unless the Legislature grant it. I submit the question entirely to your decision,

In October last Gov. Kinsley S. Bingham, one of the Sena tors in Congress from this State, died at his home in the county of Livingston. By virtue of the second sub-division of section three, of the first article of the Constitution of the United States, it will be your duty to fill the vacancy.

Gentlemen of the two Houses: I cannot close this brief address without an allusion to the great subject that occupies all men's minds. The Southern rebellion still maintains a bold front against the Union armies. That is the cause of all our complications abroad, and our troubles at home. To deal wisely with it, is to find a short and easy deliverance from them all The people of Michigan are no idle spectators of this great contest. They have furnished all the troops required of them, and are preparing to pay the taxes and to submit to the most onerous burdens without a murmur. They are ready to in crease their sacrifices, if need be, to require impossibilities of no man, but to be patient and wait. But to see the vast armies of the Republic, and all its pecuniary resources, used to protect and sustain the accursed system which has been a per petual and tyranical disturber, and which now makes sanguina ry war upon the Union and the Constitution, is precisely what they will never submit to tamely. The loyal States having furnished adequate means, both of men and money, to crush the rebellion, have a right to expect those men to be used with the utmost vigor to accomplish the object, and that without any mawkish sympathy for the interest of traitors in arms. Upon those who caused the war and now maintain it, its chief bur dens ought to fall. No property of a rebel ought to be free from confiscation-not even the sacred slave. The object of war is to destroy the power of the enemy, and whatever meas


ures are calculated to accomplish that object, and are in accordance with the usages of civilized nations, ought to be employed. To undertake to put down a powerful rebellion and at the same time to save and protect all the chief sources of the power of that rebellion, seems, to common minds, but a short remove from simple folly. He who is not for the Union unconditionally in this mortal struggle, is against it. The highest dictates of patriotism, justice and humanity combine to demand that the war should be conducted to a speedy close upon principles of the most heroic energy and retributive power. The time for gentle dalliance has long since passed away. We meet an enemy, vindictive, bloodthirsty and cruel, profoundly in earnest, inspired with an energy and self-sacrifice which would honor a good cause, respecting neither laws, constitutions nor historic memories, fanatically devoted only to his one wicked purpose to destroy the government and establish his slaveholding oligarchy in its stead. To treat this enemy gently is to excite his derision. To protect his slave property, is to help him to butcher our people and burn our houses. No. He must be met with an activity and a purpose equal to his own. Hurl the Union forces, which outnumber him two to one, upon his whole line like a thunderbolt; pay them out of his property, feed them from his granaries, mount them upon his horses, and carry them in his wagons, if he has any, and let him feel the full force of the storm of war which he has raised. I would apologize neither to Kentucky nor anybody else, for these measures, but quickly range all neutrals either on the one side or the other. Just a little of the courage and ability which carried Napoleon over the Alps, dragging his cannon through the snow, would quickly settle this contest, and settle it right. If our soldiers must die, do not let it be of the inactivity and diseases of camps, but let them at least have the satisfaction of falling like soldiers, amid the roar of battle, and hearing the shouts of victory, then will they wel come it as the tired laborer welcomes sleep. Let us hope that we have not much longer to wait.

Lansing, January 2, 1862.


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