But all this while desirous after his prey, which he had in hope devoured, he did instantly importune Ferrera for the answering of his last dispatch; finding the delay strange, and reiterating the protestations of his readiness to do the service, if he were assured of his money.1

Now before the return of Gomez d'Avila into England, this Stephen Ferrera was discovered to have intelligence with the enemy; but so as the particulars of his traffic and overtures appeared not. Only it seemed there was great account made of that he managed; and thereupon he was committed to prison." Soon after arrived Gomez d'Avila, and brought letters only from Manuel Louys, by the name of Francesco de Thores; because (as it seemeth) the great persons on the other side had a contrary disposition to Lopez, and liked not to write by so base a messenger, but continued their course to trust and employ Manuel Louys himself, who in likelihood was retained till they mought receive a full conclusion from Spain; which was not till about two months after. This Gomez was apprehended at his landing, and about him were found the letters aforesaid, written in jargon or verbal cipher, but yet somewhat suspicious, in these words: "This bearer will tell you the price in which your pearls are esteemed, and in what resolution we rest about a little musk and amber, which I am determined to buy." Which words the said Manuel Louys afterwards voluntarily confessed to be deciphered in this sort, that by the allowance of the pearls he meant that the Count de Fuentes and the Secretary did gladly accept the offer of Lopez to poison the Queen, signified by Ferrera's letter; and for the provision of amber and musk, it was meant, that the Count looked shortly for a resolution from the King of Spain concerning a matter of importance; which was for burning of the Queen's ships, and another point tending to the satisfaction of their vindicative humour.5

But while the sense of this former letter rested ambiguous, and that no direct particular was confessed by Ferrera, nor sufficient light given to ground any rigorous examination of him,

1 30th October, 35 Eliz. (1593). Bag. de Sec. p. 286. See also Ferrera's confession, 22nd February, p. 41 b.

2 This was about the middle of October, 1593. Harl. MSS. 871, p. 7.

3 Written at Brussels, 26th October, 35 Eliz. (1593). Bag. de Sec. p. 287.

4 This letter (dated 5th December, 1593) is quoted at length, Harl. MSS. 871, p. 11.

5 This was the killing of Antonio Perez. Harl. MSS. 871. 52.

cometh over Manuel Louys with the resolution from Spain; who first understanding of Ferrera's restraint, and therefore doubting how far things were discovered, to shadow the matter, like a cunning companion, gave advertisement of an intent he had to do service, and hereupon obtained a passport. But after his coming in, he made no haste to reveal anything, but thought to dally and abuse in some other sort. And while the light was thus in the clouds, there was also intercepted a little ticket which Ferrera in prison had found means to write, in care to conceal Lopez, and (to keep him out of danger) to give a caveat of staying all further answers and advertisements in these causes. Whereupon Lopez was first called in question.3

But in conclusion, this matter being with all assiduity and policy more and more pierced and mined into, first, there was won from Manuel Louys his letters from the Count de Fuentes and Secretary Ibarra to Ferrera, in both which mention is made of the Queen's death; in that of the Count's, under the term of a Commission; and in that of the Secretary's, under the term of the Great Service, whereof should arise an universal benefit to the whole world. Also the letters of credit written by Gonsalo Gomez, one to Pedro de Carrera, and the other to Juan Pallacio, to take up a sum of money by Emanuel Louys, by the foresaid false name of Fr. de Thores; letters so large, and in a manner without limitation, as any sum by virtue thereof mought be taken up. Which letters were delivered to Louys by the Count de Fuentes' own hand, with directions to show them to Lopez for his assurance; a matter of God's secret working in staying the for thereupon rested only the execution of the fact of Lopez. Upon so narrow a point consisted the safety of her Majesty's life, already sold by avarice to malice and ambition, but extraordinarily preserved by that watchman which never slumbereth. This same Emanuel Louys, and Stephen Ferrera also (whereof the one managed the matter abroad, and the other resided here to give correspondence) never meeting after Emanuel

5

same;

1 He left Brussels for London on the 26th of December, 1593. Bag. de Sec. p. 287.

2 i.e. to come over from Paris; with request that his coming might be kept secret. Harl. MSS. 871, p. 19 b.

3 21st of January, 1593-4. Harl. MSS. 871. 19.

4 Dated 6th December, 1593.

5 Copies of all those letters are given (in translation) in the Harl. MSS. pp. 27, 28, 31, 32.

had returned, severally examined without torture or threatening,1 did in the end voluntarily and clearly confess the matters abovementioned, and in their confessions fully consent and concur, not only in substance, but in all points, particularities, and circumstances; which confessions appear expressed in their own natural language, testified and subscribed with their own hands; and in open assembly, at the arraignment of Lopez in the Guildhall,2 were by them confirmed and avouched to Lopez his face; and therewithal are extant, undefaced, the original letters from Count de Fuentes, Secretary Ibarra, and the rest.

And Lopez himself at his first apprehension and examination did indeed deny, and deny with deep and terrible oaths and execrations, the very conferences and treaties with Ferrera or Andrada about the empoisonment. And being demanded, if they were proved against him, what he would say? he answered, that he would yield himself guilty of the fact intended. Nevertheless, being afterwards confronted by Ferrera, who constantly maintained to him all that he said, reducing him to the times and places of the said conferences, he confessed the matter; as by his confession in writing, signed with his own hand, appeareth.3 But then he fell to that slender evasion, as his last refuge, that he meant only to cozen the King of Spain of the money ;* and in that he continued at his arraignment; when notwithstanding at the first he did retract his own confession; and yet being asked whether he was drawn either by mean of torture or promise of life to make the same confession, he did openly testify that no such means was used towards him.

But the falsehood of this excuse, being an allegation that any traitor may use and provide for himself, is convicted by three notable proofs. The first, that he never opened this matter, neither unto her Majesty, unto whom he had ordinary access, nor to any counsellor of state, to have permission to toll on and inveigle these parties with whom he did treat, if it had been thought so convenient; wherein percase he had opportunity to have done some good service for the further discovery of their

I Though Emanuel Louys had been induced by fear of torture in the first instance to dispense with his oath of secrecy, he made no further difficulty, but confessed everything freely and without reserve. See p. 45.

2 On the 28th of February, 1593-4.

3 See his confession, 25th February. Harl. MSS. 871. 50.

* See his confession, 30th January (p. 34), and again 9th February (p. 35).

secret machinations against her Majesty's life. The second, that he came too late to this shift; having first bewrayed his guilty conscience, in denying those treaties and conferences till they were evidently and manifestly proved to his face. The third, that in conferring with Ferrera about the manner of his assurance,' he thought it better to have the money in the hands of such merchants as he should name in Antwerp, than to have it brought into England; declaring his purpose to be, after the fact done, speedily to fly to Antwerp, and there to tarry some time, and so to convey himself to Constantinople;2 where it is affirmed, that Don Salomon, a Jew in good credit, is Lopez his near kinsman, and that he is greatly favoured by the said Don Salomon whereby it is evident that Lopez had cast his reckonings upon the supposition of the fact done.

Thus may appear, both how justly this Lopez3 is condemned for the highest treason that can be imagined; and how by God's marvellous goodness her Majesty hath been preserved. And surely, if a man do duly consider, it is hard to say whether God hath done greater things by her Majesty or for her; if you observe on the one side how God hath ordained her government to break and cross the unjust ambition of the two mighty potentates, the King of Spain and the Bishop of Rome, never so straitly between themselves combined: and on the other side how mightily God hath protected her both against foreign invasion and inward troubles, and singularly against the many secret conspiracies that have been made against her life; thereby declaring to the world that he will indeed preserve that instrument which he hath magnified. But the corruptions of these times are wonderful, when that wars, which are the highest trials of right between princes (that acknowledge no superior jurisdiction), and ought to be prosecuted with all honour, shall be stained and infamed with such foul and inhuman practices. Wherein if so great a king hath been named, the rule of the civil law (which is a rule of common reason) must be remembered; Frustra legis auxilium implorat, qui in legem committit. He that hath sought to violate the Majesty royal in the highest degree, cannot claim the pre-eminence thereof to be exempted from just imputation.

On the 30th of October, 1593. Bag. de Sec. p. 286.

2 Ferrera's confession, 22nd February. Harl. MSS. 871. 41 b. See also, p. 59. 3 Lopez was condemned on the 28th of February, 1593-4.

4.

Of the use which was made of this paper we have no account nor of the impression made on the Queen by Bacon's professional successes during the preceding term. All we know is that the effect was not decisive in his favour. Though at the end of March the law places were still unfilled, it seems to have been now understood that Coke was to be Attorney. Essex's "uttermost credit, friendship, and authority" had been spent in opposing that resolution, but spent in vain. He had only succeeded in procuring a long delay, which was itself anything but a benefit; and he was content at last to be a suitor on his friend's behalf for that which two months before he had disdained to hear of,-the Solicitorship. In this secondary suit however he seemed to have every prospect of prevailing. Among Bacon's competitors for the Solicitorship, there was none eminent enough to be even talked of as a formidable rival. Among the councillors and courtiers there was none conspicuous enough to have been mentioned by name as opposing him. The list of his declared supporters, on the other hand, included Essex, Burghley, the Lord Keeper, the new Master of the Rolls, the Vice-Chamberlain, and all the Judges,— whose interest was now united in his favour. But though the accessories were so much changed to his advantage, the original and real impediment remained where it was, and as it was. His conduct in the last Parliament had neither been forgotten nor explained nor forgiven; and it must be admitted that his own subsequent behaviour had done nothing either to efface the remembrance or to alter the significance of it. Much as he had lamented the displeasure which it had provoked in the Queen, he had never yet acknowledged it as a fault in himself, and therefore it is but justice to admit that if she had a right to resent it as an offence when it was committed (which I think she had not), she had a right to continue her resentment still, as for an offence which had not been repented of. And to this obstruction in the Queen's will (which I have no doubt was the main hindrance to Bacon's promotion) there was probably added a secret current of opposition from another will as strong as her own-namely Coke's; whose position and reputation and overruling confidence (sweetened as in those days it was with a reverence for the Majesty royal quite sufficient to make it palatable) would give him many opportunities of influencing her judgment in the choice of a law-officer; and who certainly disliked Bacon, and held him cheap both as to ac

See the next letter, where he writes, "She said none thought you fit for the place but my Lord Treasurer and myself." Now, when the Attorneyship was in question, she had reminded Essex that Bacon's "own uncle named him but to a second place."