For by that resolution the Romans anciently, and the Spaniards presently, have most of all prevailed; and on the contrary side, the Macedonians in times past, and the French in our age, have lost all without themselves, because of their aptness to neglect them who of them only depended.

But if your Majesty could by any means possible devise to bring in again the Hambletons, he should then be stricken with his own weapon, and should have daily more cause to look to his own succession.1

But Spain, Spain it is, in which, as I conceive, all causes do concur to give a just alarum to your excellent judgment.

First, because in religion he is so much the Pope's, and the Pope in policy so much his, as what the mind of Pope Gregory2 and the power of King Philip will or can compass or bring forth, is in all probability to be expected; himself being a prince whose closet hath brought forth greater victories than all his father's journeys, absolutely ruling his subjects, a people one-hearted in religion, constantly ambitious, politic, and valiant; the King rich and liberal, and, which of all I like worst, beloved amongst all the discontented party of your subjects.

A more lively proof whereof one could never see, than in the poor Don Anthonio's being here, who though he were as masshungry a man as any liveth, yet did there not one Papist in England give him any good countenance, so factious affection is borne to the other party.

Of him therefore, as the chief cause of doubt is, so must the chief care be had of providence.

But this offers a great question, to wit, Whether it be better to procure his amity or stop the course of his enmity? as of a mighty lion, whether it be more wisdom to trust to the taming or tying of him.

I confess this requires a longer and larger discourse, and a better discourser than myself, and therefore I will stay myself from running over so large a field, but only with the natural presumption of love yield this to your gracious consideration.

1 "If God should call him [the young king],... Hamilton upon his death should succeed."-Earl of Sussex to Cecil, 22nd Oct., 1568: Lodge, i. 458.

May, 1584. The lords of Scotland, Lord John Hamilton, Earl of Angus, Earl of Marr, fled into England." "Sept. 1585. The banished lords of Scotland, Earls Argyle and Marr, with the Lord of Glames remain still in London."-Burghley's Diary.

2 Gregory XIII. died 10th April, 1585.

First, if you have an intention of league, you see upon what assurance, or at least likelihood, you may trust that he will observe the same.

Secondly, that in the parling season it be not as a countenance unto him the sooner to overthrow the Low Countries, which hitherto have been as a counterscarfe to your Majesty's kingdom.

But if you do not league, then your Majesty is to think of means for strengthening yourself and weakening him.

Your own strength is to be tendered both at home and abroad.

For your home-strength, with all reverence I leave it, as the thing which contains in effect the universal consideration of go

vernment.

For your strength abroad, it must be by joining in good confederacy, or at least intelligence, with those that would willingly embrace the same.

Truly not so much as the Turk and the Moroccan but at a time may serve your Majesty to great purpose. But of Florence, Ferrara, and especially Venice, I think your Majesty might reap great service for undoubtedly they fear and abhor the King of Spain's greatness.

And for these Dutch and northern princes, being in effect of your Majesty's religion, I cannot think but that their alliance may be firm, and their power not to be contemned; even countenance of united powers doing much in matters of estate.

For the weakening of him, I could (I must confess) from my heart wish that your Majesty did not spare it, throughly and manifestly both upon his Indies and Low Countries, which would give themselves unto you, and rather take him now when he hath one hand bound, than when he shall have both hands free and both sharply weaponed.

But if this seem foolish-hardy to your Majesty's wisdom, yet do I not presume to counsel, but humbly beseech your Majesty, that what stay without war your Majesty can give to the Low Countries, you vouchsafe to do it: since as King of Spain, without the Low Countries, he may trouble our skirts of Ireland, but can never come to grasp with you; but if he once reduce the Low Countries to an absolute subjection, I know not what limits any man of judgment can set unto his greatness.

1 man, MS.

Divers ways are not (sic) to be tried: among the rest one, not of the worst in my opinion, might be, to seek either the winning of the Prince of Parma from the King of Spain, or at the least to have it handled so as a jealousy thereof might arise between them; as Pope Clement did by the notable Marquis of Pescara: for he practised with him with offering the kingdom of Naples, not so much with hope to win him, as to make his master suspect him.

For when I consider that he is a Roman of blood, a Prince born, placed in the place he hath by Don John, and maintained in it by the malcontents, whereunto the King hath rather yielded of necessity than was an author: lastly when I remember the citadel of Piacenza kept by the Spaniards, and the apparent title of his son Ranuccio1 to the Crown of Portugal (things hardly to be digested by an Italian stomach), I cannot see how such a mind in such a fortune can sell itself to a foreign servitude.

The manner of dealing should be by some man of spirit with the Venetian ambassador in Paris, and afterwards with his own father in Italy, both which are in their hearts mortal enemies of the greatness of Spain.

But these sheets of paper bear witness against me of having offered too tedious a discourse to your Majesty; divers of which points yet, as of the mitigating of the oath, the school-hostages, the heartening of tenants, and the dealing with this prince, would require a more ample handling.

But it is first reason to know whether your Majesty like of the stuff, before it be otherwise trimmed.

For myself, as I will then only love my opinions when your Majesty likes them, so will I daily pray that all opinions may be guided with as much faith to your Majesty, and then followed with infinite success.

5.

I see no difficulty in believing that Bacon, at the age of four-andtwenty, may have written such a piece of counsel as this and ventured to submit it to the Queen. He was young, but he was rising in reputation, as we shall see presently by his progress at Gray's Inn and

1 Remiccio in MS. This Ranuccio was great-grandson to Manuel, King of Portugal; being the son of his second son's eldest daughter, and now (after the death of Sebastian, in whom the eldest son's issue failed) heir to the crown.

by the more frequent occurrence of his name in the records of the proceedings of the House of Commons. Besides, the Queen was a great encourager of young aspirants, and had begun to encourage him when he was very young indeed. And it was of great consequence to him at this time to give her some token of his ability in serious business. For all this time, it seems, the suit (whatever it was) which he had made to her through Burghley in 1580 remained in suspense, neither granted nor denied; and the uncertainty prevented him from settling his course of life. From the following letter to Walsingham we may gather two things more concerning it: it was something which had been objected to as unfit for so young a man; and which would in some way have made it unnecessary for him to follow "a course of practice,"-meaning, I presume, ordinary practice at the Bar.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM, PRINCIPAL SECRETARY TO HER MAJESTY.1

It may please your Honour to give me leave amidst your great and diverse business to put you in remembrance of my poor suit, leaving the time unto your Honour's best opportunity and commodity. I think the objection of my years will wear away with the length of my suit. The very stay doth in this respect concern me, because I am thereby hindered to take a course of practice, which by the leave of God, if her Majesty like not of my suit, I must and will follow: not for any necessity of estate, but for my credit sake, which I know by living out of action will wear. I spake when the Court was at Theball's to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,2 who promised me his furderance; which I did lest he mought be made for some other. If it may please your Honour, who as I hear hath great interest in him, to speak with him in it, I think he will be fast mine. Thus desiring continuance of your Honour's favour, I wish you all good, and myself occasion to do you service. Gray's Inn, this 25th of August, 85.

Your Honour's in all duty,

6.

FR. BACON.

This is the last we hear of this suit, the nature and fate of which must both be left to conjecture. With regard to its fate, my own

1 S. P. O. Domestic, 1585. Original: own hand.

2 This was Sir Christopher Hatton.

conjecture is that he presently gave up all hope of success in it, and tried instead to obtain through his interest at Court some furtherance in the direct line of his profession. It is certain that about this time or soon after he made another application to Burghley, the precise nature of which we are again left to guess, but which was to facilitate his "coming within bars;" that is, as I suppose (for the meaning of the phrase is doubtful), his admission to practise in the Courts. By the regulations then in force an utter barrister had to continue in "exercise of learning" for five years, before he was permitted to plead at any of the Courts at Westminster or to subscribe any plea. Bacon, having been admitted to the Utter Bar on the 27th of June, 1582, had still more than two years to wait; and if, according to the intention intimated in the last letter, he was now ready and resolved "to take a course of practice," he would naturally wish to have his term of probation shortened. In what precise way this was to be done I do not know, but I presume that between Burghley and the Queen means might have been found, and that he now submitted to Burghley some proposition with that view.

We need not assume that his pretensions were really unreasonable or his manners justly offensive, to account for the fact which appears from the next letter, that they had by this time exposed him to some unfriendly criticism, that complaints reached Burghley of his nephew's arrogance, and that Burghley thought it expedient to give him some. good advice on the subject. The solid grounds on which Bacon's pretensions rested had not yet been made manifest to the apprehension of Bench and Bar; his mind was full of matters with which they could have no sympathy, and the shy and studious habits which we have seen so offend Mr. Faunt would naturally be misconstrued in the same way by many others. The temper in which Mr. Recorder Fleetwood listened to his maiden speech (p. 42) is but a fair sample of that incredulous disdain with which the English public greets every young aspirant who proclaims himself or is proclaimed by his friends as anything out of the common way. It can hardly be avoided, but speedily disappears if the pretensions be made good; as we shall see that in Bacon's case it very soon did. To any one who would understand his position and follow his career in the world, the little glimpse revealed by the next letter of the feelings with which some of his contemporaries regarded him, now in his twenty-sixth year, will prove very instructive.

1 See "Orders necessary for the government of the Inns of Court, established by commandment of the Queen's Majesty, etc. etc., in Easter Term, A° Elizabetha Reginæ 1574." Harl. MSS. 39. f. 272.