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1620.]

REASONS FOR CALLING PARLIAMENT.

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proceedings with regard to Bohemia and the Palatinate has been deduced directly from the correspondence, as collected by Mr. Gardiner in his history, and in the papers which he has edited for the Camden Society. We shall now have an opportunity of comparing it with an account by Bacon; who, well knowing how deep an interest the constituencies had begun to take in the business of the kingdom, especially where religion was concerned, proposed to introduce into the Proclamation for calling the Parliament a short statement of the political situation and the reasons for calling it. The King preferred to reserve all such matter for the opening of the session, according to the usual practice; and not to enter into any explanations in the meantime with the people at large. But Bacon's draught has luckily been preserved, and presents his own view of the case in a purer form than we should have had it in if it had been modified to suit the King's. As a piece of advice it had its full value without being adopted; and its main purpose was served as soon as it was read.

TO THE MARQUIS OF BUCKINGHAM,1

My very good Lord,

I send his Majesty a form of a proclamation for the Parliament, which I thought fit to offer first to his Majesty's perusal, before I acquainted the Council.

For that part which concerneth the foreign business, his Majesty will graciously consider how easy it is for me to mistake or not to attain; which his Majesty in his wisdom will pardon, correct, and direct.

For that part touching the elections, I have communicated it with my colleagues, Sir Edward Coke, the two Chief Justices, and Serjeant Crewe, who approve it well; and we are all of opinion, that it is not good to have it more peremptory, more particular, nor more sharp.

We are thinking of some commonwealth laws, amongst which I would have one special for the maintenance of the navy, as well to give occasion to publish (to his Majesty's honour) what hath been already done; as, to speak plainly, to do your Lord

1 Stephens's first collection, p. 256. From the original.

ship honour in the second place; and besides, it is agreeable to the times. God ever prosper you.

Your Lordship's most obliged friend

18 Oct. 1620.

and faithful servant,

FR. VERULAM, Canc.

DRAUGHT OF A PROCLAMATION FOR A PARLIAMENT, referred to in the preceding letter.1

As in our princely judgment we hold nothing more worthy of a Christian Monarch than the conservation of peace at home and abroad; whereby effusion of Christian blood and other calamities of war are avoided, trade is kept open, laws and justice retain their due vigour and play, arts and sciences flourish, subjects are less burthened with taxes and tallages, and infinite other benefits redound to the state of a common-weal : So in our own practice we suppose there hath been seldom any King that hath given more express testimonies and real pledges of this desire to have peace conserved, than we have done in the whole course of our regiment.

For neither have we, for that which concerns ourselves, been ready to apprehend or embrace any occasions or opportunities of making war upon our neighbours; neither have we omitted, for that which may concern the states abroad, any good office or royal endeavour for the quenching of the sparks of troubles and discords in foreign parts. Wherein, as we have been always ready and willing, so we wish that we had been always as happy and prevailing in our advices and counsels that tended to that end.

And yet do we not forget that God hath put into our hands. a sceptre over populous and warlike nations, which mought have moved us to second the affection and disposition of our people, and to have wrought upon it for our own ambition, if we had been so minded. But it hath sufficed unto us to seek a true and not swelling greatness, in the plantations and improvements of such parts of our dominions as have in former times been more desolate or uncivil, and in the maintaining of all our loving subjects in general in tranquillity and security, and the other conditions of good government and happy times. But amongst other demonstrations of our con

1 Stephens's first collection, p. 257. From the original.

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stant purpose and provident care to maintain peace, there was never such a trial, nor so apparent to the world (as in a theatre) as our persisting in the same resolution since the time that our dear son-in-law was elected and accepted King of Bohemia; by how much the motives tending to shake and assail our said resolution were the more forcible. For neither did the glory of having our dearest daughter and son-in-law to wear a crown; nor the extreme alacrity of our people devoted to that cause; nor the representations which mought be set before us of dangers (if we should suffer a party in Christendom, held commonly adverse and ill-affected to our state and government, to gather further reputation and strength) transport us to enter into an auxiliary war in prosecution of that quarrel: but contrariwise, finding the justice of the cause not so clear as that we could be presently therein satisfied; and weighing with ourselves likewise, that if the kingdom of Bohemia had continued in the house of Austria, yet nevertheless the balance of Christendom had stood in no other sort than it had done for many years before, without increase of party; and chiefly fearing that the wars in those parts of Germany which have been hitherto the bulwark of Christendom against the approaches of the Turk, mought by the intestine dissensions allure and let in the common enemy; we did abstain to declare or engage ourselves in that war; and were contented only to give permission to the ambassador of our son-in-law, to draw some voluntary helps of men and money from our subjects, being a matter that violated no treaty, and could not be denied in case of so near a conjunction.

But while we contained ourselves in this moderation, we find the event of war hath much altered the case by the late invasion of the Palatinate, whereby (howsoever under the pretence of a diversion) we find our son in fact expulsed in part, and in danger to be totally dispossessed of his ancient inheritance and patrimony, so long continued in that noble line; whereof we cannot but highly resent, if it should be alienated and ravished from him in our times, and to the prejudice of our grand-children and line-royal. Neither can we think it safe for us in reason of state, that the County Palatine, carrying with itself an Electorate, and having been so long in the hands of princes of our religion, and no way depending upon the house of Austria, should now become at the disposing of that house: being a

matter that indeed mought alter the balance of Christendom importantly, to the weakening of our estate, and the estate of our best friends and confederates.

Wherefore, finding a concurrence of reasons and respects of religion, nature, honour, and estate all of them inducing us in no wise to indure so great an alteration; we are resolved to employ the uttermost of our forces and means, to recover and resettle the said Palatinate to our son and our descendents, purposing nevertheless, according to our former inclination so well grounded, not altogether to intermit (if the occasions give us leave) the treaties of peace and accord, which we have already begun, and whereof the coming on of the winter, and the counterpoise of the actions of war, hitherto may give us as yet some appearance of hope.1

But forasmuch as it were great improvidence to depend upon the success of such treaties, and therefore good policy requires that we should be prepared for a war, which we intend for the recovery and assuring of the said Palatinate, with the dependencies (a design of no small charge and difficulty, the strength and conjunctures of the adverse party considered,) we have thought good to take into our princely and serious consideration (and that with speed) all things that may have relation to such a designment; amongst which we hold nothing more necessary than to confer and advise with the common council of our kingdom, upon this so important a subject.

For although the making of war or peace be a secret of empire, and a thing properly belonging to our high prerogative royal, and imperial power: yet nevertheless, in causes of that nature which we shall think fit not to reserve but to communicate, we shall ever think ourselves much assisted and strengthened by the faithful advice and general assent of our loving subjects.

Moreover, no man is so ignorant, as to expect that we should be any ways able (moneys being the sinews of war) to enter into the list against so great potentates, without some large and bountiful help of treasure from our people; as well towards the maintenance of the war, as towards the relief of our crown and estate. And this the rather, for that we have now, by the space

In the margin, opposite to this last sentence, Bacon had written "I pray God this hold."

1620.1

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of full ten years (a thing unheard of in late times) subsisted by our own means, without being chargeable to our people, otherwise than by some voluntary gifts of some particulars, which though in total amounted1 to no great matter, we thankfully acknowledge at their hands; but as, while the affairs abroad were in greater calm, we did content ourselves to recover our wants by provident retrenchment of charge and honourable improvement of our own, thinking to wear them out without troubling our people; so in such a state of Christendom as seemeth now to hang over our heads, we durst no longer rely upon those slow remedies, but thought necessary (according to the ancient course of our progenitors) to resort to the good affections and aids of our loving subjects.

Upon these considerations, and for that also in respect of so long intermission of a Parliament the times may have introduced some things fit to be reformed, either by new laws or by the moderate desires of our loving subjects dutifully intimated unto us (wherein we shall ever be no less ready to give them all gracious satisfaction than their own hearts can desire) we have resolved, by the advice of our privy council, to hold a Parliament at our city of Westminster

And

because as well this great cause, (there to be handled amongst the rest, and to be weighed by the beam of the kingdom,) as also the true and ancient institution of Parliament, do require the Lower-house (at this time, if ever) to be compounded of the gravest, ablest, and worthiest members that may be found: we do hereby, out of the care of the common good, wherein themselves are participant (without all prejudice to the freedom of elections) admonish all our loving subjects (that have votes in the elections of knights and burgesses) of these few points following.

First, That they cast their eyes upon the worthiest men of all sorts; knights and gentlemen, that are lights and guides in their countries; experienced parliament-men; wise and discreet statesmen, that have been practised in public affairs, whether at home or abroad; grave and eminent lawyers; substantial citizens and burgesses; and generally such as are interessed and have portion in the estate.

Secondly, That they make choice of such as are well affected 1 So in Stephens. Qy. "they amounted" or "amounting."

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