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Mr. J. Chattaway. The same form, Danmonii, is also used throughout the book, without a hint that the usual form is Damnonii. There is also a magazine entitled Philo-Danmonian, of which the same may be said, except that once, in a foot-note, we find Dumnoniida. Is there any authority for this form, or is it a mere blunder? Dr. Latham, in Smith's Dict. of Geogr., knows only the forms Damnii and Damnonium. He refers to an article Dumnonida, which, however, does not appear. DEFNIEL.


It has Stephens's mark, a tree branched, and a man looking on it, and his motto, "Noli altum sapere." S. L.

AUTHORS OF QUOTATIONS WANTED.Who was the author of the following lines, describing the manner of serving up the boar's head?

Chester. There were at least five counties in which this rule of succession had obtained. They were Devon, Dorset, Somerset, Wiltshire, and Berkshire. Turning to other records and writings, we find the same thane's name spelt, or proposed to be spelt, "Ealdnoth," " Ældnoth," or "Elfnoth"; we also find him variously styled "Dapifer," or "Constable," or Stallere" under King Edward, "Stallere" under Harold, "Stallere" still under William the Conqueror.

As to the era of the Stallere Ealdnoth, his transaction with Elfwold, Bishop of Sherborne, shows A LATIN BIBLE.-I have a Latin Bible which I him in an influential position before A.D. 1058, believe to be of some value. Perhaps the follow- when that prelate died. Eadnoth himself fell in ing description of it may enable one of your corre-battle in the autumn of 1068, when opposing the sons of Harold in their devastation of the Somerset spondents to enlighten me fully. It is entitled:sea-board. The Stallere was on this occasion Biblia, Quid in hac editione præstitum sit, vide in ea quam operi præposuimus, ad lectorem epistola. Lutetiæ, leading the men of Somerset, and was encouraged ex officina Roberti Stephani, typographi Regii. M.D.XLV. in, if not actually deputed to, such leadership by Cum privilegio Regis." King William. However, the men of Somerset were not well affected to the king, and William of Malmesbury more than hints that the defeat of the invaders and the fall of Ealdnoth were alike consonant with the policy of William. Certain it is that not one of Ealdnoth's estates was allowed to descend to his son Harding. Probable it is that Harding, son of Ealdnoth, was under age at his father's death, and that William gave his estates to Hugh de Abrincis before there was any thought of the latter being advanced to the palatinate of Chester. In tracing the rise of Harding fitz Ealdnoth we must not be tempted to identify him with Harding, butler to Queen Edith, who held that office before the Conquest, and who stood high in her court in A.D. 1072. Nor yet, if Harding, that thane of Wiltshire and Somerset who held the same estates in 1086 as he had held in 1066, were distinct from Harding the Butler, is there the least probability that he was identical with Harding fitz Ealdnoth.

if you would send up the brawner's head,
Sweet rosemary and bays around it spread;
His foaming tusks let some large pippin grace,
Or midst these thundering spears an orange place;
Sauce like himself, offensive to its foes,
The roguish mustard, dangerous to the nose;
Sack, and the well-spiced hippocras, the wine,
Wassail the bowl, with ancient ribands fine,
Porridge with plums, and turkeys with the chine."
"Look then abroad through Nature to the strange
planets, suns, and adamantine spheres."


"Of all the ills that men below endure,
How small the amount that courts or kings can cure."
E. A. W.

"What is free?

The vexed straw in the wind;

The tossed foam on the sea?

The great ocean itself, as it rolls and swells
In the bonds of a boundless obedience dwells."

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(5th S. xii. 362, 437, 477.)

Having derived much instruction from MR. ELLIS'S note at the first reference, and being withal deeply interested in cognate matters of Somerset archæology, I offer a few observations, such as I understand the writer of that article and the editor of "N. & Q." to solicit. Domesday is often telling of a Saxon thane, who, whether his name be written Alnod, Elnod, or Ednod in that record, had been generally succeeded in estate by Hugh, Earl of

The first definite appearance of the son of Ealdnoth is in the Somerset Gueld Inquest of A.D. 1084, where in one place he is called Hardin "de Meriot," in other places Harding fitz Alnod. Two years later (A.D. 1086) Domesday-whether describing him as Lord of Merriott or as an Anglothane, endowed by the Conqueror with other Somerset estates-calls him uniformly Harding filius Elnod. Harding's usual antecessor in Somerset estate was Tofig, who, having been Sheriff of Somerset at the date of the Conquest, continued in office in 1058. But, at Merriott, Harding's antecessor was one Godwin, very possibly that Godwin who, having preceded Tofig as sheriff, was still living in 1066. Mr. Freeman suggests that Harding's succession to Tofig in the matter of estate may have been by inheritance. Where estates descended in plurality, as was the case here, such a supposition is most reasonable. At all events, we are assured that, whether as a matter

of late justice or of late clemency, the son of Ealdnoth was recognized by King William within sixteen years of his father's death. About Harding fitz Ealdnoth's descendants it is abundantly clear ("N. & Q.," 5th S. xii. 362, 363) that he was succeeded at Merriott, and in other Somerset estates, by his eldest son and heir, Nicholas fitz Harding. This Nicholas, in A.D. 1166, makes the ordinary return, under Somerset, of his tenure in capite, nor does it affect the validity of that document that, when enrolled in the Liber Niger (Hearne, i. 95), it was erroneously entitled as "Carta Roberti filii | Harding." In the same record (Hearne, i. 171-2) we have the genuine return of Robert fitz Harding, and it is enrolled, as we should have expected, under Gloucestershire. This brings us to the fundamental question, Who was the father of the first Robert fitz Harding? In other words, was Harding, the father of Nicholas fitz Harding of 1166, identical with, or distinct from, Harding, the father of Robert fitz Harding of the same date? The strongest argument in favour of identity is perhaps to be found in a circumstance alluded to by MR. ELLIS, viz., that Robert fitz Harding and his suzerain Rannulf, Earl of Chester, gave Fifehide-Magdalen (Dorset) to the abbey of St. Augustine, at Bristol. Fifehide-Magdalen was, before the Conquest, an estate of Ealdnoth the Stallere. On the Stallere's fall, in 1068, Fifehide was given to Hugh de Abrincis. Before 1086 Hugh de Abrincis, then Earl of Chester, had enfeoffed one Gilbert in Fifehide. The tenancy of Gilbert did not endure; it lapsed to the suzerain. Nothing can be more credible than that Rannulf de Gernons, Earl of Chester, circumstanced as he was domestically and politically, should have bestowed Fifehide on the leading citizen of Bristol. And if that citizen, being Robert fitz Harding, were grandson of the Stallere Ealdnoth, the former Lord of Fifehide, then Earl Rannulf's supposed gift becomes not merely credible, but highly probable and singularly appropriate. That suzerain and tenant should concur in bestowing Fifehide on the Augustines of Bristol was but a natural sequence, and is but a definite illustration of the hypothesized preliminaries.

Robert_fitz Harding's father well authenticated? Can it be supported on any better authority than that of a monastic Stemma Fundatorum? The date in question is somewhere given as A.D. 1115; MR. ELLIS gives it, I see, as "Nov. 6, about 1115." I do not question the month and day even of a monastic Stemma; but about the year I am in this instance, as in most, sceptical.

If Harding, Robert fitz Harding's father, can be shown to have died at so early a date, then I am bound to believe that he was not identical with Harding, the father of Nicholas fitz Harding and the son of the Stallere Ealdnoth. My reasons are these. In his return to the Feodary of 1166, Nicholas fitz Harding speaks twice of his father. A reference (Lib. Nig., i. 95-6) to his return is all that I can offer here. It is incredible that such words as he uses about his father's feoffments can have applied to a man who had died fifty years before. Again, William of Malmesbury, telling us much about Ealdnoth the Stallere and his son Harding, speaks of the latter as of a contemporary with himself as a successful contemporary-successful in a forensic rather than in a military sphere.

Though I may have a clear idea that Malmesbury continued to write in A.D. 1143, I would leave it as a query when he began to write. Certainly he did not write this about Harding fitz Ealdnoth so early as 1115, and that bounds the present question.

If any Harding died in 1115, and if the Harding so dying was father of Robert fitz Harding of Bristol, then the father of Robert fitz Harding was not Harding fitz Ealdnoth. R. W. EYTON.

A TOPOGRAPHICAL SOCIETY FOR LONDON (5th S. xii. 424, 469, 493).—MR. BLANDFORD will find a view of the old Navy Office, Crutched Friars, in Strype's map of Tower Street Ward, and in Bowles's Views, 1729, plate W. These are mentioned by Peter Cunningham in his Handbook of London. There are two views of the office catalogued among the engravings in the Guildhall Library, and Mr. Gardner has a perspective view (Taylor del., 1741), which was among those he lent at the opening of the new Guildhall Library in 1872.

It might be alleged in opposition to this view that no other estate of the Stallere Ealdnoth can be traced to Robert fitz Harding or to his Berkeley descendants. Such an objection, even if taken There is no doubt of the superior interest of the after a long and exhaustive research, could not in-views when exhibited in frames; but I believe validate our temporary hypothesis; for the very that only about half of Mr. Crace's collection is essence of that hypothesis is that Robert fitz now shown at the South Kensington Museum from Harding was a younger son, and, if so, his suc- want of room, so that it is hopeless to expect the cession to one of his presumed grandfather's estates British Museum authorities to find room for their was incidental, to more than one it would have exhibition. A few, however, might be exhibited been abnormal. at a time, which could be constantly changed.

That which remains to be said on this subject I would rather put in the form of a query than a comment. Is the date given for the death of

A.'s complaint is well founded, but there were other sinners before the Metropolitan Board of Works was formed. In fact, ever since houses

have been numbered this difficulty has existed; and as houses must be numbered to save present confusion, the only thing to be done is to keep a proper register of changes.

I hope you will receive other suggestions, and that the subject will not be allowed to drop. HENRY B. WHEATLEY.

5, Minford Gardens, W.

Journalism, 1859. In the case of the London Magazine imaginary Latin names were used, which were sometimes a little like the real names, but more often wholly unlike, and the idea was that by thus printing false names, and at the same time printing for private use correct explanatory indexes, all pains and penalties might be avoided. In the London Magazine for 1755 there are debates con

"DON QUIXOTE" (5th S. xii, 489).—The Dontaining the speeches of 176 imaginary Latin debaters, and the explanatory index gives the names Quixote published by H. G. Bohn, 1842, was trans- of the 176 English members of Parliament thus lated first by Shelton in 1612. It was then paradesignated. EDWARD SOLLY. phrased by John Philips, who poured into it the filthiness of his own impure spirit. Philips was followed by Peter Motteux in 1712, who substituted for his predecessor's ribaldry a low comedy of his own, and did nothing in the way of translating the original text. Next came Jarvis in 1748, whose work was a return to Shelton's, re

taining all the beauties of the first translation, with some attempt to keep to the original, but failing in any approach to represent its poetry, eloquence, humour, or earnestness. Then came Smollett, in 1755, who as slavishly followed Jarvis as Jarvis followed Shelton, imparting to the work some of the vulgar coarseness which disfigures more than one work of his own. All these translations or versions contribute to the production of the one in MR. PICKFORD'S possession, which has been carefully read over by some one acquainted with the Spanish tongue, but not much impressed with the genius of Cervantes. How it ever happened that a book so pure in spirit and so chaste in words, so lofty in style and yet so full of human sympathy and love as Don Quixote came to be regarded by English men of letters as a book of low buffoonery, is a question that I trust at no distant day will be satisfactorily answered by those who pretend to know something of the history of English and Spanish humour.


Savile Club.


THE OXFORDSHIRE ELECTION, 1754 (5th S. xii. 428). When the House of Commons decided in 1738, after a full discussion, that it was a high indignity and notorious breach of privilege for any one to presume to print any report of their speeches and debates," the journals which attempted to give any account of Parliamentary proceedings had to be very cautious in what they printed. In the Gentleman's Magazine they were published as "Debates in the Senate of Great Lilliput," and the speakers were designated the "Nardac Befdort " (Duke of Bedford), the "Hurgo Toblat" (Lord Talbot), &c. (vol. viii. pp. 283, 331, 387). In these the speakers' names were changed by the transposition of the letters, so that though no real name was given it was easy to know who was intended. Something like this was done by all other journalists, the history of which may be seen in Mr. A. Andrews's valuable History of British

WILLIAM MUDFORD (5th S. ii. 160, 216).—I believe the most complete memoir of this accomplished journalist and author, who died in 1848, is to be found in my New Biographical Dictionary (1873). Its accuracy may be relied on, as the particulars it contains were derived from private and trustworthy sources. I may add that Mr. Mudford's son now worthily occupies the editorial chair of the Standard newspaper.



"BAMBOOZLE" (5th S. xii. 488).—If MR. QUEKETT will look at the second edition of my Dictionary he will see that I have made the reference to the Italian bamboccio which he suggests. quote from Florio: "Bambolo, bamboccio, bambocciolo, a young babe, by met. an old dotard or babish gull; imbambolare, to blear or dim one's sight, also with flatteries and blandishments to enveagle and make a fool of one." If a verb were made of bambocciolo in the same way, as bambocciolare, it would have much the sense of bamboozle. The word seems to have sprung up about the beginning of the last century. I do not know what authority Prof. Skeat has for the assertion that it originated in thieves' slang. I cannot think that there is any plausibility in his suggestion that it may have come from the cant phrase of would be to treat to a good drink. a bene bouse," a good drink; so that to bamboozle


FRANZ LISZT (5th S. xii. 268, 389).—R. M. asks for information as to this eminent pianist's public and social life. A very interesting anecdote is related of him at p. 19 of the Almanach des bons Conseils pour l'Année 1880, published in Paris at No. 32, Rue des Saints Pères. It is headed "La charité voile le péché," and tells how a young female pianist, an orphan, and totally dependent for her livelihood on her professional talent, arriving in a small town in Germany, advertised a concert for a certain day, giving herself out as a pupil of Liszt's. The day before the concert was to come off she discovered, to her great dismay, that Liszt had arrived in the town, and was staying in the same hotel as herself. Fearing an exposure, which would be fatal to her

future career, she waited on Liszt, and, in the most humble manner, begged pardon for the unwarranted use she had made of his name, making him acquainted at the same time with her unfriended situation. He listened to her story, and in the kindest manner requested her to sit down to the piano and play one of the pieces she had prepared for the next day's concert. He sat down by her side, gave her advice as to how certain passages should be rendered, corrected some faults, and then said, "Now, my young friend, I have given you a lesson; you may henceforth call yourself a pupil of Liszt's." Before she could stammer out her thanks, he added, "If the programmes are not yet printed, you may state that, on this occasion, you will be assisted by your instructor, the Abbé Liszt." E. MCC-.

ADDER STONES (4th S. ix. 155).—The communication above referred to gave an interesting account about the superstitions in connexion with adder stone in Renfrewshire. I am now going to furnish some further particulars from the other end of the kingdom, namely Cornwall. Mr. R. J. Cunnack, of Helston, writes to me as follows:

"Passing through an outlying district of the parish of Sithney, I recently met with a curious relic of superstition. The farmer called it a 'milpreene' or serpent etone, which, when required, was boiled in milk and the milk afterwards administered as an antidote for bites of

vipers. The account he gave me of the formation of the stone was that a number of adders congregated together at times, and their spittle hardened upon a hazel rod or the tail of one of their number. Near Bodmin, I am told, one of these stones is still in use. It sounds like a relic of Druidic superstition. Ancient glass beads called serpent stones are, I believe, not uncommon. My father had a very fine one, which was lent to a collector and not returned."

In Caractacus, a Dramatic Poem, by Rev. William Mason (London, 1759, 8vo.), pp. 10, 91-2, the

adder stone is thus referred to :

"Brennus! has thy holy hand
Safely brought the Druid wand?
And the potent adder-stone,
Gender'd fore th' autumnal moon?
When in undulating twine

The foaming snakes prolific join;
When they hiss and when they bear
Their wond'rous egg aloof in air;
Thence before to earth it fall,
The Druid, in his hallow'd pall,
Receives the prize;
And instant flys,

Follow'd by th' envenom'd brood
'Till he cross the crystal flood."

From a note to this passage it appears that Pliny described these charms under the name of serpent's eggs, and that Lhwyd speaks of the superstition as being in force in Scotland and Cornwall.


15, Queen Anne's Gate, Westminster. WALKINGHAME (5th S. xii. 429).-Thomas de Scriven was married, temp. Ed. I., to Agnes,

daughter of John de Walkingham and Agnes his wife (daughter and heir of Alan, Lord of Staveley), heir of her brother and sister Alan and Ada de Walkingham. K. M. Y.

"BRITISH CURIOSITIES IN NATURE AND ART" (5th S. xii. 448).-The title of the second edition of this book is

"British Curiosities in Art and Nature; Giving an Account of Varieties both Antient and Modern, viz.... Likewise an Aecount of the Posts, Markets, and Fairtaining a brief Account of the State of each County in Towns. To which is added a very Useful Scheme, conEngland, at one View, curiously engraved, and printed on a Sheet to fold up or put in a Frame. The Second Edition, with Large Additions. London: Printed for Sam. Illidge, under Serle's-Gate, in Lincolns-Inn NewSquare. MDCCXXVIII."

Then follows the Dedication "To the President, Council, and Fellows of the Royal Society of London," pp. iii-v; the Preface, pp. vi-xiv; a Table of Contents; and the folding sheet, entitled "The British Curiosities; or, a Brief Account of the State of each County in England, carefully collected and composed for ye Use of Foreigners and others." The pagination in my copy is quite different from that of MR. GISSING'S. The sections for Counties in England, 1-173; Wales, 174-202; Islands about England, 203-209; an account of the several Monasteries, Priories, Frieries, Nunneries, &c., 211-16; Appendix, 217-48. ALICE B. GOMME.

Castelnau, Barnes, S.W.

No doubt Lowndes is right in saying that there were three editions of the work entitled British Curiosities in Art and Nature, i.e. 1713, 1721, 1728. MR. GISSING's description of his copy corresponds with the last-mentioned edition, which has a folded table called "A Brief Account of the State of each County in England, carefully collected and composed for the Use of Foreigners and others." This seems to be misnamed, however, by MR. GISSING as if a frontispiece. Its place in the edition of 1728 is after Title-Page, Dedication, Preface, and a Table of Contents. It occupied, as appears from a defective copy in the William Salt Library at Stafford, a corresponding place in the edition of 1721. A copy of the edition of 1713 I have never seen. The tabular "Brief Account" was perhaps absent from your correspondent's. T. J. M.


recommendation of PROF. DE MORGAN in your THE BEST INKSTAND (5th S. xii. 438).—By the 3rd S. iv. 348, 462, I bought an inkstand, there described by him, of Mr. Dufour, a stationer, 17a, Great George Street, Westminster, which I have had in use now for sixteen years, to my constant comfort and satisfaction. I never chance to have seen any of the same sort in any other shop

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their writings, and he would suggest that they
might have had some common source.
He says
the speech of Timon to the banditti is most to the
purpose, and quotes eight lines from it. If MR.
BIRCH will look into his Anacreon, in the ode
EIX TO AEIN HINEIN, he will, I think, find
what looks very like the original of Timon's speech.
Minchin Hampton, Gloucestershire.

THE THEATRE AT PARMA (5th S. xii. 467).-A plan of the new theatre occurs at plate 80 of

"Parallèle des Principaux Théâtres Modernes de mandes et Anglaises. Dessins par Clément Contant, Architecte, Ancien Machiniste en chef de l'Académie Royale de Musique. Texte par Joseph de Filippi. Paris, chez A. Lévy Fils, 13, Boulevard de Sébastopol, et chez les Principaux Libraires. 1859."

l'Europe et des Machines Théatrales Françaises, Alle

24, Victoria Grove, Chelsea.

OCTAVE DELEPIERRE, LL.D. (5th S. xii. 180).— Some of your readers may be glad to learn that an admirable notice of this lamented man of letters will be found in Trübner's American and Oriental Literary Record, Nos. 143-4, for Oct., 1879.

H. S. A.

THE MISUSE OF ENGLISH BY FRENCH WRITERS (5th S. xii. 361).-In that depressing, unsatisfactory, and over-rated book, Les Rois en Exil, the use of English words is very remarkable, and as they are generally given without italics or inverted commas we must suppose that they are accepted as component parts of the French language. We meet with cab, ulster, sportman, beefsteack, dear The work is a large folio, and MR. WARD will ("le dear de toutes ces dames"), moleskine, water-find a copy in the Art Library of the South proof, flirte ("on flirte au grillage de la caisse "), Kensington Museum. FRANK REDE FOWKE. clown, yes, shoking, clergyman, for in hand, hall, mackintosh, bookmaker, club, steeple-chase, steamer, revolver, baby, stick. The occasional irregularities in spelling are, I need scarcely add, those of M. Daudet. That great word Goddam, which serves as the title of a remarkable poem in the French language, is not omitted. We have also the expression, so frequently heard on the Continent, so seldom used here, "high life"; but in order that. his readers may not mistake the true Parisian pronunciation, M. Daudet writes it the first time (p. 27) lig-life. A prince is described as having un gracieux, hennissement dont il avait pris l'habitude à force de vivre au Tattershal." One of the heroines of the book keeps a family hotel, which is afterwards spoken of simply as the family ("le bureau du family," or "la fenêtre du family"). I have said that Les Rois en Exil is an unsatisfactory book, and so it will, I think, be found by the majority of English readers. It is nothing but a tissue of chroniques scandaleuses concerning royal personages, put together without much art, and certainly without delicacy of either sentiment or language. Supposing these tales to be true, the time has not yet come (should it ever come) for publishing them. Should they, however, be untrue, an author who serves them up in the form of a popular novel exposes himself to just and severe censure. Finally, the volume is badly printed, and is full of typographical errors.

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LOUIS XIV. (5th S. xii. 487).—It would be easy to quote authorities in support of Thackeray's assertion that this king was short, though I do not know of any writer who says that he was 5 ft. 2 in. The pictures in which he appears as one of a group (in many at Versailles, for instance) are conclusive evidence on the main point. The king is always represented as shorter than most of the courtiers about him, and he wears, for an obvious reason, shoes with heels of an enormous height. It is true that it was the custom of the time to wear high heels, but those of the king are a gross exaggeration of the fashion.


In describing the figure of Louis XIV. Thackeray probably forgot the difference between the French foot and the English foot, 5 ft. 2 in. in French measure being rather more than 5 ft. 6 in. in English. J. C. M.

"THE UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE" (5th S. xii. 328, 455, 497).—If vol. i. would be of any use to MR. FREELOVE, to complete his set, which as he says is defective of vol. i., it is quite at his service.

J. P. E.

VANDYCK'S "CHARLES I." (5th S. xii. 228, 254, 497).-I have had in my possession for some years Vandyck's sketch in pen and bistre for his equestrian portrait of Charles I. It is on paper, 8 in. by 64 in., and represents Charles issuing from an arch, through which a castle is seen on the right

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