ment. Salaries in the public service are to be still further reduced, and the State is to repudiate its solemn engagements by abolishing the pensions of men, who, however unwisely, were induced to enter the service under a promise that they would be paid. These men cannot defend themselves, therefore plunder them; that is the great, the statesmanlike proposal on which the chief of the Government mainly appeals to the country. That our public service will be utterly demoralised; that such retrenchment implies the most fearful waste, is nothing compared with the fact that it will catch some votes. The next item is an Income Tax. The State is drifting into bankruptcy at the rate of £500,000 a year. Yet instead of taxing those who alone derive direct benefits from the State expenditure, and from whom this sum can be justly and fairly demanded as a small fraction of the benefits they receive, he proposes a tax on the earnings of the people, which he knows to be utterly inadequate. No man in his senses expects the income tax to yield more than £100,000; every man knows that in order to collect this miserable sum a new department has to be created which will cost about £20,000 a year at least. Nevertheless, sooner than offend the monopolists, the Ministry is prepared to increase the expenses of the State and to let it drift still further towards bankruptcy. There is only one point in the Ministerial pronouncement which can be approved, and that is the declaration that prohibitive duties will be reduced. Yet even here doubt obtrudes. Messrs. Webb and Richardson still declare themselves in favour of these prohibitive duties, and the past conduct of the Premier does not offer any solid guarantee for a determined policy in this direction. Whether it is made seriously, or merely as a blind to catch votes, will however become apparent soon after Parliament assembles, and in the meantime this proposal must be placed to the credit side of the Government account. Turning now to the leader of the Opposition, it would indeed be an injustice to that gentleman to say that he placed any policy before the country. His tax on the assets of every man's balance-sheet may pass as a circus joke, but no sane man will think of it seriously, unless he wants to offer a premium upon wholesale perjury. With regard to everything else, Mr. Turner proposes to have be the case, and that, therefore, Fortunately for the country, however, the choice is not limited to the two gentlemen who have thus failed to place any policy before the country. There is a third leader, one who so far has not acted officially, but in whose honesty of purpose the country has unbounded confidence. The programme of the Free Trade party which Mr. R. Murray Smith expounded at Hawthorn, does embody a policy, which offers hope and prosperity to the country. Abolish the duties on the materials and machinery of any industry so as to give the best chance to our factories, mines, and farms; reduce the duties which burden the taxpayer, while the revenue which they yield enriches private persons while not putting one penny into the public treasury; and stop the leak in the public accounts by direct taxation. This, though not an ideal policy, is a reasonable one, one which promises to relieve production, increase trade, give employment, and replenish the treasury. We have purposely confined our review to the salient point of each policy, because it is only by disregarding non-essentials that the real nature of each can be made clear. Every elector can judge which of the three will be preferable. At this juncture in the country's history, patriotism, nay, self-preservation, demands that all party prejudices should be discarded, and that each man should vote according to his conscience. Let every elector consider conscientiously which of the three policies, and which of the three men who stand for them, is most likely to serve the country's need, and we have no doubt about the result of the elections. In that case the people's voice will call in unmistakable tones for the Free Trade policy, and for the leader who has been true to that policy through good and bad repute; who has shown that he puts principles before place and pay; who can be relied upon to carry out this policy carefully but thoroughly and honestly. This, we believe, will The Greed of the "No! No! Don't be afraid; Tariff Reform is not Free Trade." Thus sang the Democrats of the United States for fifteen years, and for fifteen years they failed to impress the country with their double-faced policy. But one day, now two years ago, the party got a chance to silence the old women who had led it so far, and forth came the declaration, of honest purpose, the pronouncement, Protection is a fraud and a robbery of the earnings of the people. only way to reform the tariff is to gradually reduce and ultimately abolish it." That language the people could understand, and they responded to it in no uncertain manner. The party swept the country from one end to the other, and Protection, in spite of the most colossal bribery, seemed doomed. Seemed doomed only; for no sooner was the party assembled in Washington, than the old women again got the lead, than they again put the water of hesitation into the Free Trade wine. The Protectionists, beaten hollow at the polls, saw their opportunity, and the result is, that instead of a real advance, instead of a material relief to the country, it has to be satisfied with the miserable abortion of a Wilson Bill. Not for long, however. The fire once kindled is burning, and will consume the traitors and cowards in the Free Trade ranks, even if a temporary victory will thereby be given to the Protectionist party. In our own colony the same miserable hesitancy is now being displayed. No sooner had the Free Traders by their persistent agitation converted the country to their policy, than one fine morning, the "Argus" rubbed its sleepy eyes, and saw that these Free Traders were not of the Conservative and reactionary colour, which is dearer to its heart than Free Trade. Forthwith the policy of the paper was altered. The very mention of Free Trade was banished from its columns; the song of the old Democrats was intoned in a hundred variations, and all the old women who have no pluck, All Judges of Tobacco Smoke PHŒNIX or “DON." and all the men who fear direct tax- and be prepared to carry them out, fearless of consequences."-From a letter of Richard Cobden, dated October 21st, 1836. Not as adventitious will the wise man gladly use the opportunity to regain Tariff Reform is not Free Trade." This cowardly retreat from its old platform has had the effect of throwing confusion into the Free Trade ranks and of dividing its forces. On the one side stands the Triple, or rather the Trimmers', Reform League, joining hands with the Young Patriots, and sheltering themselves behind the money bags of the National Association, revived under the name of the "Central Reform Committee;" on the other stands the Free Trade Democratic League, scorning to lower the banner of Free Trade, and relying upon the unaided force of principle and consistency. The result cannot be doubtful. When the elections are over, it will be found that many men who pose as tariff reformers will do their best to prevent any real reform of the tariff. The childish, slap-dash proposals of lowering all Customs duties to a maximum of 25 per cent., will give them the opportunity for which they are anxious; for its effect, if carried out, would be more disastrous to our factories than a sudden and immediate removal of all protective duties. Its result would be, that whereas clothing would be protected by 25 per cent., its raw material, woollen cloth, would carry the same duty; leather and boots, coachbuilders' material and vehicles would equally pay 25 per cent. duties, and the clothing, boot and coachbuilders' trade would be most effectually ruined. The Grip. GIVE ME EMPLOYMEN AARITY LABOUR UNDER PROTECTION. duties on the raw material would | country be relieved of the shackles destroy their ability to compete either which hamper and confine the indusin the home or foreign markets. Contrast with this the Free Traders' policy, who demand as the first step trial activity of its people. The Motive Power. It seems to be very generally forgotten by Free Traders of the Conservative school that the overthrow of Protection in Victoria is a reform of a revolutionary nature, and that the task is a Herculean one, requiring the employment of some great motive power. Men holding such views are chiefly to be found in the ranks of the Victorian Patriotic League, the National Association, and the Melbourne Triple Reform League; and while they are the life and soul of dialectic societies, they seem fondly to imagine that their chop logic, their airy affectation of superiority, their sententious condemnations, are quite sufficient to overthrow the false god of the people, which albeit a false god they nevertheless worship with blind devotion. Collins-street seems to think, having said "Protection is a fraud, dontcherknow," constitutes quite sufficient towards Free Trade that the duties on WHY WE WILL NOT TRIM. reason for the toil-worn artisan of the material, machinery, and requisites SMOKE "Let not the people-I mean the masses-think lightly of those great principles upon which their strength wholly rests. The privileged and usurping few may advocate expediency in lieu of principles, but depend upon it we reformers must cling to first principles, Collingwood to see the error of his ways. But no revolution is likely to be accomplished by these coiners of respectable platitudes, nor are they capable of supplying the motive power that is needed. The vast agencies of destruction are to be found below and not above; the subterranean fires once set loose are irresistible, and the earthquake shakes the great globe itself. So, too, our motive power is to be fouud, not in the so-called " upper classes," but down amongst the masses of the people. It matters but little what is agitating the THE BEST TOBACCO. minds of the few, but we must anxiously watch what is stirring the hearts of the many. It is to the people we must ultimately appeal; we must call on Labour to throw off its shackles, and lend its thews and sinews for the overthrow of monopoly, and the revolution must be accomplished, as all revolutions are, by inspiring those in bondage with the hope of greater freedom. But surely no one will assert that the tariff tinkers are capable of preaching this great evangel, or that Labour is likely to regard, as apostles of greater freedom, the men who would deny an equal right to all in choosing the makers of the laws they must obey! The work that remains to be done can only be accomplished by the democrats of the Free Trade party, and their association is the proper working organisation for the purpose. It is only they who can go to the miners, the artisans, the labourers, and say "Fellow Toilers, our hopes are the same, our eyes are fixed on the self-same goal, so join with us in the fight against the unseen powers of Monopoly that bar us from the fair haven we would enter." This would be a different appeal to that of the "Argus" for lower duties, so that £28,000,000 may be put into the pockets of the landowners. Such an appeal must be made, and the time is now opportune, for a passionate desire exists among the ill-paid toilers of Victoria for a better state of things. This unsatisfied longing is the motive power, capable of bringing about any revolution, that should be called to the aid of Free Trade, and the securing of this ally should be the work and the noble privilege of the Free Trade Democratic Association. Doubtless the Association will accomplish this, but not until it has purged itself of those men who are Conservatives first and Free Traders afterwards. Treachery. Oh, for a tongue to curse the slave, Whose treason, like a deadly blight, A shroud in itself may be a fair seeming lies, is stirring now, and yet may PHOENIX TOBACCO has no It is an undoubted fact that had Free Trade journalism and Free Trade candidates been less cowardly and less treacherous, the success of the Free Trade cause would at this moment be assured. But just as both sides were arming for the fight, the "Argus" started the panic cry of sauve qui peut, and candidates were not long in following suit. A more disgraceful sacrifice of noble principles for miserable time-serving expediency, it is impossible to conceive. Nor is the cause far to seek. The Free Trade Democratic League ceased to have the support of the "Argus" the moment it became democratic in something more than name, and the Triple Reform League was galvanised into just sufficient life to suit the creed of the false apostle of Free Trade. And what is this league else than the tool of the Protectionists, and what else is their platform, adopted by the "Argus," than a miserable attempt at an election "drag-net," designed to catch Free Trader and Protectionist alike? The magnificent Free Trade principles of Triple Reform Leaguers are well exemplified by the candidature of Mr. G. D. Meudell for Barwon. That gentleman became a member of the council of the league one day, and the next appeared before the electors in the guise of a Protectionist, and we are thankful to say had shortly after to ignominiously retire. So much for shuffling. But while the desertion of the Free Trade cause by the "Argus" and some renegade candidates is to be deplored as an exhibition of pitiable, fainthearted apostasy, there are nevertheless compensating advantages. The names of those men who have nobly Rival for Flavour. dared will stand out all the more clearly, and when the time comes for the Free Trade party to choose its leaders, it will have the satisfaction of being able to select them from men who, though deserted, knew not how to desert. Then again, the alienation of the support of the "Argus" from the Free Trade Democratic League is probably a distinct gain to Free Trade, for the work that lies before the league is to popularise the cause amongst that vast body of the electors who plainly see in the "Argus" the Conservative wolf trying to steal a march in the guise of Liberalism. Victoria will yet know the blessings of Free Trade, in spite of the "Age" and the "Argus," and especially in spite of the latter. week, yet nevertheless he straightens That beggar has a penny among The machines of the great clothing trade are idle now, and the poor seamstress has to choose between the sere-cloths of the grave or the silks of infamy, but she consoles herself midst her tears by murmuring—" Hurrah for Protection." There are children sobbing in the night, for so they do when hungry, and the mother is singing the lullaby of the starving-" Hurrah for Protection." These are they who have been blessed, and who will shout in joytection." The Jubilee of Protec-ous acclamation-"Hurrah for Pro tion. Let us raise once again through the land the cry, "Hurrah for Protection," and see who will echo it. Men and women stand before a closed factory door, a notice to quit and starve is in front of them. Poor toilers, ere there be not a breath in your bodies, and while yet ye have time, up with the cry-"Hurrah for Protection." The sailors lounge on the wharves watching the ships rotting in the harbour, and the broad back of the stevedore bends beneath the burden of a family that moan for bread. What, is there treachery about? Shall empty stomachs prevent you joining in the old-accustomed cry? For shame! Now then, all together" Hurrah for Pro tection." The Ruler of Rulers. great intellectual giants of every age. Nevertheless, the "Age" is driving fast upon the rocks, for each day Labour is coming to see more clearly that it is being robbed of its earnings solely in the interests of trade monopolists. The great liberal demand of the near future will undoubtedly be for Free Trade and the Land Value Tax, and where will the "Age" be then, or for that matter, the " Argus" either? A Fable. (With apologies to the "Argus," the Young Victorian Patriotic League, the Triple Reform League, and the Free Trade Democratic Association.) There was once a one-eyed old woman who had three children to look after, and two she loved, being puny offspring of the wealthy, and one she regarded with suspicion, being a hardy son of the people. The two small Conservatives she fed with a it chanced that a storm arose in the land, which frightened the old dame exceedingly, so that she cuddled the little favourites, who crept close beside her, and pressed them to wizened breast. her But the little Demo crat braved unaided the elements, and his limbs grew hardy and his heart fearless. And when the storm had passed, it was found that the old woman had over-laid her favourites, so that they had to be buried in forgotten graves, but the son of the people waxed stronger and stronger, grew to a giant's stature. The power of Ananias has lately spoon and taught to be good little been trebly felt in the land, and Pro-hypocrites and say their prayers in a tectionists may well be proud of their dutiful manner at the shrine of Mamjournalistic champion, for the "Age" mon, but the little Democrat was left during the last few weeks has certainly to take care of himself, which he excelled itself. That journal must succeeded very well in doing. Now almost have grown tired of the sport of making and unmaking Governments, when the death struggle of Protection awoke all its latent powers. The "Age" has undoubtedly responded splendidly to the call, and there have been glorious mendacities, artful deceptions, skilful retreats from forlorn positions to ones less easily assailable, while the leading articles have been splendid rallying cries. The alarum bell was clanged with no uncertain sound, and the faithful have been called to arms with its din continually ringing in their ears. The "Age has taken a masterly step in concentrating its artillery, not upon the grand economic truths of Free Trade, but upon the weak-kneed halting paid than are foreign ones, and England in English silk-weavers are usually worse policy of the "Argus," which journal the silk trade is nowhere.-(D. F. Schloss, A ship sails away from this land it openly and justly jeers at for havingFortnightly Review," Jan., 1893; Ec. crowded with the strong and the deserted the Free Trade cause. This 22/5/91. brave, and passing through the Heads discerning of the weak spot, and cona great cry of farewell is raised-centration of attack thereon, showed "Hurrah for Protection." excellent generalship, for the defence could come alone from the "Argus," the begetter and only understander of the art of tariff tinkering. Had how-paid ever the attack been directed against the great doctrine of Free Trade, there would have been an opposing phalanx, consisting, not of a tongue-tied journal and its faint-hearted allies, but of the 'Twas excellent; its shrillness has even reached the tramps on the cold, up-country roads. They well understand its meaning; the farmer has pointed to his ruined homestead and bid them begone, and over the scraps he has spared them they mutter, as grace-"Hurrah for Protection." The winter wind blows cold, men and women shiver in shoddy, and infants die, and over their graves the mothers moan-" Hurrah for Protection." The bootmaker in the sweating den has not much time to spare, for he can earn at best but a few shillings a and Wages, High and Low. Adam Smith, McCulloch, and Senior showed that high wages do not necessitate high labour cost. Senior showed that although the French manufacturers paid much lower wages than the English, yet the cost of production was higher in France. Lord Brassey showed the dearness of lowlabour in his own experience. High wages are a great incentive to the introduction of machinery and economical methods wages have risen, labour has become more of working. We find in England that as efficient and requires less supervision. (" Fortnightly Review," Jan., 1893.) Smoke "DON" TOBACCO for Enjoyment. |