H. or R.]

Removal of the Indians.

[May 15, 1830.

these walls, or another enemy shall kindly inflict upon us | sponsibility that may involve the country in that taint upon a lesser disgrace.

We came to these people with peace offerings, and they gave us lands. As we increased in numbers we increased our demands, and began to press upon them. They saw us hemming them in on every side, and furrowing down the graves of their fathers. As their subsistence was wast ing away, they remonstrated against us. We were deaf to their reproaches. They implored us to remember their kindness to us, but we turned away from them. They resisted at last, and flew to their arms. Fierce and bloody wars followed. We felt their power; and if they had been united, or had foreseen what we are now doing, we should not now be in these seats. We met again in friendship, and established our treaties with them. We pledged our faith, and gave them our solemn guaranties that we would come no further. I hope that we shall feel it our duty to observe them like honest men.

our reputation, nor be accessory to it. No pride of opinion should influence us. There are no laurels to be won in this field. There is no victory to achieve over a people in their situation. There is no reward before us but dis grace, and the detestation of our fellow-men. If this bill passes, they will submit to all the injuries which may be inflicted upon them, for it is no longer in their power to resist. They will bear it as long as men can bear oppres sion, but they will sink under it at last. If we were in their situation, we should not leave our own country wil lingly. We, who are strong and proud, and restive of restraint, should fly to arms for half of what they have suffered already. We have done it, but we had friends to sustain us. But the Indian must submit. When we have turned him away from our door, he has no friends any where. Shall we, who boast so much of our institutions, and talk so loftily of patriotism, reproach him because he loves his country too well-because his heart is not as fiinty as we would make it-because he lingers too long among the graves of his fathers? But, sir, if the fist is pronounced here, he will go. He must go, for he cannot stay there and live. They will leave the fields which they have reclaimed from the forest and laid open to the sun, their comfortable dwellings, their flocks, their schools, their churches-aye, sir, their christian churches, which we have buit there, and which now stand where the stake of the victim was once planted. But they will not leave the graves of their fathers. A whole nation, in despair, will piously gather up their bones, and retire to your western forests. When they shall have reached its nether skirts, they will look back for the last time from the mountain over this beautiful land of their fathers, and then retiring to the deeper shades within, will curse your perfidy, and teach their children to execrate your name. We could bear reproach from the proud and the insolent, but there is eloquence in the humility with which these people plead their wrongs. We feel our guilt in the very submissiveness with which they approach us.

I have viewed this question in all the lights which have offered themselves to my mind, and I can see no way to dispose of it safely, but to stop where we are to go no further; but to retract openly, honorably, and immediately. Every step we advance in this injustice will sink us deeper in disgrace. But, sir, to reject this measure is not enough. We cannot regain what we have already lost, unless our laws are executed. We cannot leave our seats here, and do this ourselves. Without the co-operation of the Executive, we are powerless; and if he will not pause

But we are asked, will you leave things in their present condition? Will you refuse to treat with them? No. But if I am asked when we shall treat, I am ready to answer: Never, sir, never, till they are at perfect liberty, and free from all restraint. I should not consider a treaty made with them in their present wretched and forsaken condition, as morally binding on them. I will not consent to take advantage of men in their situation. I am sick-heart-sick of seeing them at our door as I enter this hall, where they have been standing during the whole of this session, supplicating us to stay our hand. There is one plain path of honor, and it is the path of safety, because it is the path of duty. Retrace your steps. Acknowledge your treaties. Confess your obligations. Redeem your faith. Execute your laws. Let the President revise his opinions. It is never too late to be just. Let him extend his hand to them as a brother-as their great father indeed. The power of the Government is at his command Let him set them free. Above all things, win back their confidence. Convince them that they may trust you again as friends. If you will do this, and they are free to act without any coercion, I am ready to execute any treaty which they will make with you. But it must be done "peaceably" in the true spirit of our obligations to Georgia, and in no other way. I wish they were in a condition to treat with us fairly. I wish it for the sake of Georgia-for them and for ourselves. But I will not consent that Government shall operate on their fears. It is unmanly and dishonorable. I will not agree to inculcate on their minds the slightest suggestion that they are not to be protected fully, fearlessly, and faithfully. They are now sinking under the terror of the calamities which they believe await them if he will not execute the treaties-if the laws are sufwhen this bill shall have passed. They believe that the fered to sleep-if reason and justice are slighted, and exlaws of the States are not to be extended over them for postulation is in vain-if his oath will not awaken him to good. It is immaterial whether they are right or not in stretch forth his arm fearlessly and honorably to sustain this belief. They believe it to be for evil, and anarchy is the constitution and laws of the country, and the rights of now there in its worst forms. I have too much confidence these oppressed people, he shall go ou upon his own re in Georgia to believe that she will suffer any violence to sponsibility, and that of those who may be about to place be committed under her authority. But the effect pro- this measure in his hand. Be the consequences what they duced by her laws has not left these people free agents. may, the stain of whatever may happen shall be upon his These States have no right to ask us to act under such cir- bands. My poor opinion in this matter may be worth very cumstances, or, if they do, we ought to judge of that for little here, and I may be mistaken in my apprehensions. 1 ourselves, and refuse to act if we think the honor of the will leave this to time and those who come after us. But, Government forbids it. Heal the wounds which you have holding the opinions I do, I will take no share of the reinflicted, and convene their councils. If they will then sponsibility of carrying this measure through the House. treat with you, bring your treaty here instead of this law. On a subject as momentous as this, it is better for us, and We shall then know what we are doing. I will then sus more just to our constituents, that we should postpone this tain the Executive, by my humble vote, in all that he shall measure, and let the question be fairly and fully presented promise in our name. He shall have countless millions to to them before we act upon it finally. They have a right fulfil our faith. The treasures of the nation shall flow like to demand it of us. Let the feeling and judgment of the water, and the people of this country will bear any bur- whole country be consulted. When this bill has passed, den rather than suffer the honor of their Government to the matter is beyond our reach and theirs. The memobe stained with perfidy. But for coercion, or any thing rials on your table ought not to be lightly trifled with, and like coercion-moral or physical, direct or indirect, I will will not be safely despised. This thing is not to be done w.vote nothing-not one poor seruple. I will take no re-here in a corner without responsibility. It will be stripped

MAY 15, 1830.]

Removal of the Indians.

[H. OF R

of all the mysteries and vain dieguise in which we may it, but there will be no refuge for you in the grave. You hope to conceal its real character, and be put to the se- will yet live in history; and if your children do not disown verest scrutiny. Surely, sir, we must wish that we felt their fathers, they must bear the humiliating reproaches confident of that enlightened support in public opinion, of their names. Nor will this transaction be put down in without which we cannot be, and will not find ourselves history as a party measure. Our country, too, must bear sustained before the country. the crime and the shame. I have been a party man, sir, perhaps too much so-and I have contributed nothing to place the present Chief Magistrate in the station which he now holds as yet under the constitution and not above it. But I should deem it a lesser evil and a more supportable calamity—and I declare to you that I had rather see him or any other man created dictator at once, and let him sway our destinies, for one life at least, than suffer for a single hour the shame of feeling that my country must submit before the christian world to the disgrace of being set down in history as the violator of her treaties, and the oppressor of this helpless people who have trusted so confidingly to her faith.

We may differ on points which affect our internal policy only without responsibility to others. But our conduct in this affects the security of the social law of all mankind, and which all nations are interested to sustain. They have the right to sit in judgment upon us. That part of the law of nations which commands the observance of treaties, is the law of the whole human family. Though the present measure may not immediately affect them, and they may have no right to interfere, yet they have the right for their own security to put in action the moral feeling of the world against the effect of our example. Whatever our opinions may be of the invasion of France as a question of original interference, the powers of Europe were fully justified in the measures But I will not despond, or give up all for lost. When which they took in 1815, on the return of Bonaparte from it is considered how little, after all, these States really Elba. As the violator of treaties, he had placed himself have at stake on this question, and how trifling the acquiout of all civil and social relations. There was no secu- sition of this paltry territory must be, I cannot believe rity for any Government, if so dangerous an example, by that they will refuse to make some sacrifice or concession such a formidable power, should have been able to sus- of feeling to the reputation of the country. Are not our tain itself. I have nothing to say of the subsequent dis- honor and our reputation-our interests and our glory, position of his person. It does not concern the question theirs? Are they not bound up with us in one common before us. But the opinion of mankind sustained his ex- lot, for good or evil, as long as this constitution and our pulsion from France, if not from Europe, and history will Union shall endure, and until the blessings which, under sauction it. The eye of other nations is now fixed upon the goodness of Providence, it may long dispense to our us. Our friends are looking with fearful anxiety to our common country, shall be forever withdrawn -until that conduct in this matter. Our enemies, too, are watching appalling night of despotism shall descend upon the our steps. They have lain in wait for us for half a cen- world, and lower upon the whole family of man, when this tury, and the passage of this bill will light up joy and bright constellation shall have set, and the last hope of hope in the palace of every despot. It will do more to human freedom has been forever extinguished? What destroy the confidence of the world in free government, are these miserable remnants of Indian land worth to them than all their armies could accomplish. Our friends eve- or to us, if, in settling an abstract question of jurisdiction, rywhere will be compelled to hang their heads, and sub- we are about to expose ourselves and them to the imputamit to this reproach of their principles. It will weaken tion of bad faith New York, Pennsylvania, Virginia, and our institutions at home, and infect the heart of our social Ohio have all yielded to the constitutional authority of system. It will teach our people to hold the honor of the Union, on points quite as essential, in their opinion, their Government lightly, and loosen the moral feeling of to their sovereignty as this. There is nothing to be won the country. Republics have been charged, too, with in- in this controversy that is worth a moment's thought, in solence and oppression in the day of their power. His- comparison with the condemnation that lies beyond it. tory has unfortunately given us much proof of its truth, To avert such a calamity, I will yield much, very much. and we are about to confirm it by our own example. I will give up almost any thing here. I will claim nothing But, sir, we must stand at last at the bar of posterity, and of these States that shall offend their pride. The point answer there for ourselves and our country. If we look of honor shall be conceded to them, and our good faith for party influence to sustain us now, it will fail us there. shall be vindicated by a concession from their patriotism. The little bickerings in which we now bustle and show I will not yet give up even this hope. Nor will I believe off our importance, will have then ceased and been for that the Chief Magistrate will suffer the reputation of his gotten, or little understood. There will be no time-serv- administration and the country to be tarnished. I will ing purposes to warp the judgment-no temptations to look there, too, for better councils, and a more deliberate entice into error-no adulation to offer unto power, or to examination of the ground on which he has placed himwin the favor of the great-no ambition to be exalted self. Whether we favored his elevation, to his present and no venal press to shelter wrong, to misrepresent the station or not, we may all unite in wishing that he may truth, or calumniate the motives of those who now fore- leave it with a solid reputation, and that he may advance warn you of your responsibility. The weight of a name the honor of his country beyond even the hopes of his will not sustain you there, and no tide of popularity will friends. We are all interested in his fame, for it is now Carry you along triumphantly. Our country will be identified with his country. There are nobler examples brought by the historian-custodia fidelis rerum-to that for his emulation than Spain or Carthage. Let him vindistandard of universal morality which will guide the judg-cate the public faith of his country, and he shall be hailed ment and fix the sentence of posterity. It will be pro- indeed as her saviour, for he will have preserved her nounced by the impartial judgment of mankind, and stand honor. Let him instruct the world that the sanctity of forever irreversible. The character of this measure will treaties is no longer the scorn of republics, and he shall then be known as it is. The full and clear light of truth then have truly filled the measure of his country's glory will break in upon it, and it will stand out in history in and his own. Her history beams with light upon the path bold relief. The witnesses who will then speak, will be of honor and honest fame. There are bright examples those illustrious men who have not lived to see this day. before him, which any man may be proud to follow and Your history-your treaties and your statutes, will con- to emulate; but the enduring glory of his predecessors front you. The human heart will be consulted-the moral has been won by their inflexible justice and public virtue. sense of all mankind will speak out fearlessly, and you "Ex omnibus præmiis virtutis, amplissimum esse præmium, will stand condemned by the law of God as well as the gloriam: esse hanc unam, quæ brevitatem vitæ posteritatis sentence of your fellow men. You may not live to hear memoria consoleretur; quæ efficerit ut absentes adessemus,

H. or R.]

Duty on Salt.-Removal of the Indians.

[MAY 17, 1830.

mortui viveremus; hunc denique esse, cujus gradibus etiam | salt, if they would agree to take it up, and let it go to a homines in cœlum viderentur ascendere."

Mr. LUMPKIN, of Georgia, next took the floor, but gave way for a motion for the committee.

MONDAY, MAY 17, 1830.

THE DUTY ON SALT.

The House resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. TALIAFERRO, to repeal the duty on salt, the question being on ordering the previous question.

Mr. TALAFERRO rose, and offered the following as a modification of his original proposition, viz. Strike out the preamble, and all after the word "resolved," and insert the following:

That, from and after the 30th day of September next, the existing duty on salt shall be reduced to — cents per the measured bushel; that, from and after the 30th day of September, 1831, the duty on salt shall be further reduced to cents per the measured bushel; and that at the end of one year from the period when the public debt of the United States, on which an interest of more than three per centum per annum is payable, shall have been extinguished and discharged, no duty on salt imported into the United States, or the territories thereof, shall be imposed.

Some difficulty arose on the point, whether the call for the previous question, by Mr. TALIAFERRO, on Saturday, had been seconded, (it requires a majority of the House.) before the call of the House which was moved had been decided; and a good deal of conversation took place between the Chair and different members as to the fact-some thinking that the motion had not been seconded, and others that it had. To relieve the House from the embarrassment produced by this uncertainty,

Mr. TALIAFERRO withdrew the modification which he offered to his resolution this morning, and then withdrew his motion of Saturday for the previous question: which having done, he immediately after re-offered his modification, and on its adoption called for the previous question.

Mr. BURGES thereupon moved a call of the House, and demanded the yeas and nays on the motion; which being taken, the call of the House was negatived: yeas, 70bays, 112.

Mr. HOFFMAN, of New York, then moved that the resolution be laid on the table, and demanded the yeas and nays on the motion; which being taken,

The motion to lay the resolution on the table was tived by the following vote: yeas, 87-nays, 97.

Committee of the Whole House.

Mr. TAYLOR called for the reading of the bill, which Mr. POTTER objected to, but the reading was ordered. The question was then put on taking up the bill, and decided in the negative by the following vote: yeas 92

nays, 98.

REMOVAL OF THE INDIANS.

The House then again resolved itself into a Committes of the Whole, Mr. WICKLIFFE in the chair, on the bill for the removal of the Indians.

Mr. LUMPKIN said, his life had never been free from care and responsibility; but, on no former occasion, had be ever felt more deeply impressed with a sense of that re sponsibility, to God and his country, than he did at the present moment. The obligations which rest on me [said Mr. L.] are common to every member of this House. The great importance which I attach to the decision of this House upon the bill now under consideration, does not arise from any apprehension of material effects being produced in relation to any one of the States who are interested. It is true your decision will have a strong bearing on their interest; but they have the capacity, to some extent at least, to take care of themselves. But to those remnant tribes of Indians whose good we seek, the subject before you is of vital importance. It is a measure of life and death. Pass the bill on your table, and you save them. Reject it, and you leave them to perish. Reject this bill, and you thereby encourage delusory hopes in the Indians, which their professed friends and allies well know will never be realized. The rejection of this bill will encourage and invite the Indians to acts of indiscretion and assumptions which will necessarily bring upon them chastisement and injury, which will be deplored by every friend of virtue and humanity. I therefore call upon you to avoid these evil consequences while you may. Delay is pregnant with great danger to the Indians; what you do, do quickly, before the evil day approaches.

I differ with my friend from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] in regard to Indian civilization. I entertain no doubt that a remnant of these people may be entirely reclaimed from their native savage habits, and be brought to enter into the full enjoyment of all the blessings of civilized society. It appears to me, we have too many instances of individual improvement amongst the various native tribes of America, to hesitate any longer in determining whether the Indians are susceptible of civilization. Use the proper means, and nega-success will crown your efforts. The means hitherto resorted to by the Government, as well as by individuals, to improve the condition of the Indians, must, from the present state of things, very soon be withheld from these unfortunate people, if they remain in their present abodes; for they will every day be brought into closer contact and conflict with the white population, and this circumstance will diminish the spirit of benevolence and philanthropy towards them which now exists.

I might exhaust what physical strength I have in replying to the gentleman from New York, [Mr. STORES.] He has consumed much of your time, with his usual ability and ingenuity. It would require an entire speech to defend my own State (Georgia) from the many imputations cast on her by that gentleman and others. I must leave much of this for my colleagues and others who may follow me it this discussion.

Here, the hour for resolutions having expired, Mr. MARTIN rose [he said] to submit a motion. If the House, a or majority of it, were disposed to do any thing on the subject of the salt duty; if they were sincere in the declarations which they made in regard to it, when before the House as an incidental question, it would be very easy to effect the object of the resolution, by taking up the bill now on the table, containing a provision on the subject; otherwise, it was obvious, from the proceedings, that the minority on this question would have it in their power to defeat the proposition, in its present shape, to the end of the session. He therefore moved that the House take up the bill "to reduce and modify the duties on certain imported articles." [Reported by Mr. McDUFFIE, from the Committee of Ways and Means, on the 5th of February, and ordered to lie on the table.] His object was to have The gentleman's doctrines upon the subject of State it committed to a Committee of the Whole House. Mr. M. rights ought to be met and refuted; severe censures cast asked leave to add a word of explanation. Some gentle- upon our Chief Magistrate, and his subordinates in office, men might suppose that in moving the consideration of should be corrected as they deserve, and the Executive dethis bill his object was to get up a tariff discussion. That fended in his wise, virtuous, and candid course on this subwas not his object. The tariff gentlemen might, if they ject. But I shall leave much of this for others, and only incichose, strike from the bill, by acclamation, every provi-dentally pay my respects to the gentleman from New York, sion but that which proposed a reduction of the duty on and proceed directly to the subject under consideration.

The bill on your table involves but little that can be considered new principle. The only departure from former principles and practice is to be found in that part which extends greater security and benefits to the Indians. The whole of my policy and views of legislation upon this subject has been founded in an ardent desire to better the condition of these remnant tribes. At the same time, I freely admit, their interest alone has not guided my action. From the time I became a member of this House, the great object of my solicitude and labor has been to relieve all the States (especially my own) from the perplexities, heart-burnings, conflicts, and strifes which are connected with this Indian subject.

The ground occupied by the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. BELL] I shall not again travel over. I never have, nor ever will consume the time of this House by a speech of repetition. Nevertheless, I shall necessarily advert to many of the same points, with a view of corroborating what has been said by my friend from Tennessee in favor of the bill. As one of the Committee on Indian Affairs, I shall "not be diverted from what I consider my duty in defending the measures submitted by the committee, by attempting "to follow our opponents in their wide range of irrelevant matter and argument.

I am not only identified with this subject, as a member of the Indian Committee, but as a representative of the peoSple of Georgia, I feel myself bound to defend their rights. My life has been spent on the border of these southern Indians; I therefore know much which relates to the history of this subject, from my own personal observation. Upon taking my seat as a member of the twentieth Congress, (without delay) I introduced a resolution, which brought this subject, in all its its bearings to the consideraion of Congress; and the investigations had upon the subect resulted in providing an appropriation of fifteen thouand dollars to defray the expense of preparing for the migration of the Indians west of the Mississippi.

My friend from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] having given the letails of the exploring tour of the agents of the Governnent (under this act) who examined the country west of The Mississippi, with a view of ascertaining the quality of he country contemplated for the permanent abode of the ndians, and the report of these agents, I will only say, a uitable and sufficient country was found-a country adnirably adapted to the interest and condition of the emirating Indians. The report of these commissioners is susained by the corroborating testimony of many highly repectable persons. That there is a good and sufficient ountry for all the Indians to emigrate to, can no longer be doubted, whatever may be said to the contrary by our pponents.

[H. or R.

to do this, and to request the establishment of a division line between the upper and lower towns, so as to include all the waters of the Hiwassee river to the upper town; that, by thus contracting their society within narrow limits, they proposed to begin the establishment of fixed laws and a regular Government: the deputies from the lower towns, to make known their desire to continue the hunter life, and also the scarcity of game where they then lived; and, under those circumstances, their wish to remove across the Mississippi river, on some vacant lands of the United States: And whereas the President of the United States, after maturely considering the petitions of both parties, on the 9th of January, A. D. 1809, including other subjects, answered those petitioners as follows:

"The United States, my children, are the friends of both parties, and, as far as can be reasonably asked, they are willing to satisfy the wishes of both. Those who remain may be assured of our patronage, our aid, and good neighborhood. Those who wish to remove, are permitted to send an exploring party, to reconnoitre the country on the waters of the Arkansas and White rivers, and the higher up the better, as they will be the longer unapproached by our settlements, which will begin at the mouths of those rivers. The regular districts of the Government of St. Louis are already laid off to the St. Francis.

"When this party shall have found a tract of country suiting the emigrants, and not claimed by other Indians, we will arrange with them and you the exchange of that for a just portion of the country they leave, and to a part of which, proportioned to their numbers, they have a just right. Every aid towards their removal, and what will be necessary for them there, will then be freely administered to them; and, when established in their new settlements, we shall still consider them as our children, give them the benefit of exchanging their peltries for what they will want at our factories, and always hold them firmly by the

hand."

Thus we see a deputation of Cherokees, as early as the year 1808, visiting this city, anxiously desiring and imploring the aid of President Jefferson to enable them to emigrate and settle in the very country where a great portion of them now reside, and where we have procured a most excellent and ample country for the remainder. Those who have emigrated are delighted with their new homes, and most of their brethren who remain in the States would gladly improve their present condition by joining them: but their lordly chiefs, of the white blood, with their northern allies, "will not let them go." Notwithstanding the signs of the times, the hearts of these rulers have been hardened again and again.

These movements on the part of the Cherokees, withI will now ask the attention of the committee to the his-out urgency or solicitation on the part of the Government, ory of Indian emigration. So far as my researches afford have resulted in the treaties of 1817 and 1828, providing, nformation on this subject, I will submit the facts. Emi- as before pointed out, an ample and permanent home for ration commenced with the Indians themselves. Their the whole of the Cherokees. Under the provisions of wn enterprise (uninfluenced by the Government) led these treaties they have been going, and will continue to any individuals of the southern tribes, previous to the go, until not a real Indian will be left behind. "Hinder ear 1808, to remove from the east to the west side of the me not," will be their language, when they are permitted lississippi, and there take up their abode. A strong im- to express their own feelings, unawed by the tyrannical ulse was given to this spirit of emigration by President enactments of their mixed blooded chiefs. efferson, during his administration. What this impulse as, may be seen by reference to a talk of Mr. Jefferson the Cherokees, (volume of Indian Treaties, page 140,) serted in the preamble of the Cherokee treaty of 1817, hich preamble is in the following words:

“Whereas, in the autumn of the year 1808, a deputation om the upper and lower Cherokee towns, duly autho ced by their nation, went on to the city of Washington, e first named to declare to the President of the United tes their anxious desire to engage in the pursuits of iculture and civilized life in the country they then ocied, and to make known to the President of the United tes the impracticability of inducing the nation at large VOL. VI.-128.

With the Choctaws and Creeks, treaties have also been made, assigning to them countries west of the Arkansas and Mississippi. The Creeks have been flocking to theirs, and it is satisfactorily ascertained that they would all go, if the means contemplated in this bill should be afforded to the Executive.

The whole of the Choctaws are not only willing to go, but are actually preparing to go, and have submitted their terms, in the form of a treaty, to the proper department of the Government. The Chickasaws have no country yet provided for them in the West, but are anxious to emigrate thither, if they can obtain a suitable country.

.The Seminoles of Florida are also desirous to join

1

Removal of the Indians.

their Creek brethren in the West, if they can obtain land. | alluded to, the United States will have to encounter no The Indians in Illinois, Ohio, and Indiana, have been emi-conflicting interests with either. On the contrary, that grating for many years past, and the cost of their journeys the removal of the tribes from the territory which they has been paid by the Government, until about two years ago, when the spirit of emigration so far increased the numbers, that the expense became too great to be paid by the means at the disposition of the Executive.

If those who wish to see an entire system presented, will refer to Mr. Monroe's message of the 27th of January, 1825, page 453, volume of Indian Treaties, and also to Mr. Calhoun's report, accompanying that message, they will find the great outline of the plan laid down. In that * message, Mr. Monroe says: "Being deeply impressed with the opinion that the removal of the Indian tribes from the lands which they now occupy within the limits of the several States and territories to the country lying westward and northward thereof, within our acknowledged boundaries, is of very high importance to our Union, and may be accomplished on conditions and in a manner to promote the interest and happiness of these tribes, the attention of the Government has been long drawn, with great solicitude, to the object. For the removal of the tribes within the limits of the State of Georgia, the motive has been peculiarly strong, arising ftom the compact with that State, whereby the United States are bound to extinguish the Indian title to the lands within it, whenever it may be done peaceably and on reasonable conditions. In the fulfilment of this compact, I have thought that the United States should act with a generous spirit; that they should omit nothing which should comport with a liberal construction of the instrument, and likewise be in accordance with the first rights of those tribes. From the view which I have, taken of the subject, I am satisfied that, in the discharge of these important duties, in regard to both the parties