There is a word in the English language of five syllables, from which, if one syllable be deducted, no syllable remains Monosyllable.

The two longest monosyllables in our language are strength and streight, and the very longest word bonorificability. But this is an obsolete phrase, and is not to be found in any vocabulist I know of, Bailey excepted, who has borrowed it from the Latin, in which language it has a letter more, viz. bonorificabilitudinitas.

Heroine is, perhaps, as peculiar a word as any in our language; the two first letters of it are male, the three first female, the four first a brave man, and the whole word a brave woman. It runs thus, be, ber, bero, heroine.

We have a term for a beggar, which may be divided without the transposition of a single letter, with only the addition of an apostrophe, so as to make a complete simple sentence; and such a sentence as a person of this description may generally address himself withal: the term is mendicant, and the sentence arising from its division-mend I can't, which most of them may too truly assert.

These words deserve remark, tartar, papa, and murmur, in English, toto in Latin, and berber in the Turkish language; because they each of them are the same syllable twice repeated.

We have several dissyllable words, which read the same backwards as forwards, such as aga, ala, lesel, refer, &c. But we have very few which constitute a different word by a reverse reading; there are these, lever, ever, repel, sever, which read backwards make revel, reve, leper, reves; and æra, by dissolving the diphthong, when retrogradely read, will be area. Of trisyllables there can't be expected so many; animal it is true will be found to make the Latin, and, by adoption, English word lamina.

A DIARIAN,

THE IRON MASK.

HE mystery which has enveloped the story of the man with the iron mask, whose long imprisonment Voltaire noticed in his Age of Louis the XIVth, is now cleared up to the satisfaction of most people in France.

It seems that he was neither the Count de Vermandois, nor the Duke of Monmouth, nor any of the other Princes or Noblemen whose names have been mentioned; but an elder brother of Louis the XIVth, by Anne of Austria, consort of Louis XIIIth.

It appears that he was the fruit of an illicit amour with the Queen; some say with the Duke of Buckingham; but though illegitimate, and certainly not the son of Louis the XIIIth (which no one believes Louis the XIVth himself to have been) he might have raised pretensions to the crown; as being born in wedlock, there was the presumption of legitimacy in his favour, till the contrary was proved.

Voltaire, though he leaves the matter in the dark, was well acquainted with the rank and quality of the illustrious prisoner; but

even Voltaire, bold as he was in his writings, durst not divulge the secret, as it would tend to bring in question the right which Louis the XVth and his successors had to the Crown of France-for if the fact be true, Louis the XIVth might be considered as an usurper.

The secret of the birth of this son was at first only confided to Cardinal Mazarin, if indeed the Cardinal (which seems not improbable) was not himself the father. On the death of the Queen he was conveyed to the state prison of the Isle of St. Marguerite, and guarded there with all the precaution and respect which Voltaire so particularly describes. It was not, however, a mask of iron, but one of black velvet, with which his face was covered. This he was obliged to wear, when in the presence of any one besides the Governor, that his rank and birth might not be discovered by the resemblance he bore to the King his brother.

The precautions taken to conceal him were indeed so great as to shew that there was no common interest in preventing a discovery. The unfortunate prisoner was himself sensible of his pretensions, and acquainted with his situation: but he was undoubtedly made to understand, that it was only on condition of his keeping himself unknown, that he was suffered to continue in existence.

Some Princes, in such circumstances, would have had so danger ous a rival cut off: but Louis the XIVth, who, though a despot, was not void of humanity, contented himself with banishing this elder brother to a distant island, and confining him in a strong for tress, situated in a remote corner of his dominions, where, from the measures taken, it seemed impossible that he could ever be heard of or known. Yet to make assurance double sure, after the battle of La Hogue, when the English fleets were riding triumphant in the Channel, he was conveyed from the Isle St. Marguerite to the Bastille.

Cinq. Mars, the Governor, and Louvois, the Minister, were among the few persons in the secret. It is said to have been divulged by Barbesieux, the son of Louvois, to Mademoiselle St. Quentin, his mistress.

A French writer accounts for the ambiguity or silence of Voltaire upon this subject, in the following terms:

"He would have had cause to fear for his own life, if he had divulged a mystery which might destroy the title of the Grand Monarque to the throne. For the man in the iron mask, being the elder brother of Louis the XIVth, had a right to the Crown of France, notwithstanding his apparent illegitimacy, which was covered by the rule followed in France in all doubtful cases,

Pater est is quem nuptiæ demonstrant:

Whence it must follow, that Louis was an usurper, and that his descendants possessed the Crown only by usurpation. That was the truth, which at all times was terrible, which Voltaire did not dare to utter, and which the King strove to wrap up in darkness, by every possible means, even the most iniquitous."

"

DOMESTIC MANNERS

OF THE DUTCH.

HF climate and soil of a country operate greatly on the minds

of a people, and influence the passions so, that the depth of the impression made by dame Nature is seldom eradicated. Thus the Dutch, living in a low marshy country, contract by nature a sluggish habit; nor does it appear they ever made any proficiency in the fine arts. Their dress is the most clumsy that can be imagined, and with respect to their food, the Writer of this has seen them pour train-oil on a pickled herring. They are by no means hospitable to strangers, but among themselves extremely social.

When they meet in the evening, they have a card-table placed in the room, on which is placed pipes, Holland's gin, and a tankard of ale. They all sit with their heads covered, some having slouched hats, others high crowned ones, resembling those of the Spaniards. Some wear frocks like our waggoners, and others full-trimmed coats, reaching almost to their heels. They are not very polite, for although women should happen to be in their company, they will go without the least ceremony to the jordan, and deliver the contents of their overcharged stomachs.

They seldom quarrel, although they are much addicted to drinking; and when any dispute arises, the greatest curse or oath they use is, swarsum blixam, that is, thunder and lightning.

for

Their conversation is always on industry in procuring riches; it may be justly said, that avarice is the religion of a Dutchman. All their notions of honour, of liberty, of learning and happiness, are centered in avarice; and a thousand pounds to a Dutchman is as agreeable as Mahomet's heaven to Mussulman.

When the card-playing is over, they have supper brought on the table in a manner that almost exceeds description; for, that every particular palate may be gratified, one pulls out of his large breeches pocket a dozen of pickled herrings, another a dozen of onions, a third a bottle of train-oil, a fourth a piece of sage cheese, and a fifth a piece of cold boiled pork. All these are laid on the table, and each serves himself according to his particular inclination. If in winter, they sit round a stove, and each person has before him a double box of Holland's gin, which is about half a pint of English wine

measure.

As they smoke tobacco all the time they are drinking this liquor, one would imagine that the whole of their bodies would be inflamed, but no such thing takes place, which must arise from the following causes: first, their eating such vast quantities of the grossest food, and secondly, from the dampness of the country.

It is remarkable, that during these nocturnal entertainments, few of the company ever get intoxicated, and these are generally among the younger who have not been long accustomed to such practices.

PARLIAMENTARY PROCEEDINGS.

HOUSE OF LORDS, JAN. 26.

The had given on a former night. It was not his wish, he said, to envelope the

HE Duke of Bedford rose to make a motion, conformable to notice which question in darkness and obscurity, but he would state it fairly, in hopes that his Majesty's Ministers would be induced to agree to his proposition. His Grace said, that it would be a considerable satisfaction to the people to know the object for which Government was fighting, which was equally unknown to this country as to France.' He trusted that Ministers had abandoned the monstrous idea of subduing the French by famine, an idea so barbarous, as would disgrace the most savage times. Such sentiments of barbarity shocked the feelings of Englishmen, whom Ministers must now know were anxious for peace; for never, he believed, and he would not except the American war, had affairs taken, in so short a compass, so extraordinary a turn. After having spoken a considerable time, his Grace concluded with moving, "That it is the opinion of this House, that the existence of the present Government in France should not be considered, at this time, as precluding a Negotiation for Peace."

Lord Grenville conceived, that there was a total misapprehension of the sentiments of Ministers, and what he was going to advance would go chiefly to correct this mistake. The motion of the Noble Duke was capable of two different and opposite interpretations. To the proposition in the abstract he could freely assent, but its application to the circumstances of the present case he would most firmly oppose. On the first day of the Session he had been asked a very unusual question, What was the object of the War, and what were the conditions of Peace? and he was required to give an answer in two words. He answered the question in one, Security. He never had said, that he would not treat with a Republic, and those who supposed that he had ever uttered such a sentiment, had entirely misapprehended his meaning; all he wished for in France was, the esta blishment of such a Government as was consistent with the safety of this country and the tranquillity of other kingdoms. After several observations he begged leave to move the following amendment:

"Resolved, that under the present circumstances this House feels itself called upon to declare its determination firmly and steadily to support his Majesty in the vigorous prosecution of the present just and necessary war, as affording at this time the only reasonable expectation of permanent security and Peace to this country; and that for the attainment of these objects this House relies with equal confidence on his Majesty's intention to employ vigorously the forces and resources of the country, in support of its essential interests; and on the desire uniformly manifested by his Majesty to effect a pacification on just and honourable grounds with any Government in France, under whatever form, which shall appear capable of maintaining the accustomed relations of Peace and amity with other countries."

A long debate took place, in which the Duke of Norfolk, the Bishop of Landaff, the Marquis of Lansdown, the Earl of Lauderdale, the Marquis of Aberworn, the Duke of Leeds, and the Earl of Guildford spoke in favour of the original motion; and the Earl of Darnley, the Duke of Athol, Lord Hawkesbury, Lord Auckland, the Bishop of Durham, and the Lord Chancellor, in favour of the amendment; at half past four in the morning their Lordships divided on the Duke of Bedford's motion, Contents, 15-Non-Contents 88.

29. The Attorney-General, Mr. Pitt, and several other Members from the Commons, brought up the Bill for continuing the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, which was read the first time, and ordered to be read a second time.

Lord Guildford moved, that an humble Address be presented to his Majesty, to order a copy of the treaty, allowing a subsidy to the King of Prussia, signed at the Hague in 1794, to be laid before that House; also an account of the number of men employed in consequence thereof, and the services they had done the allied powers; and also an account of the sums of money paid to his Prussian Majesty, in conformity with that treaty; all of which, after a few words from Lords Grenville and Lauderdale, were agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Jan. 16. Wm. Penruddock Wyndham, Esq. for Wilts, was introduced and

Sworn.

The Sheriffs of the City of London presented a petition from the Corporation, praying for a Bill to widen and render more commodious the avenues at Temple Bar, which was referred to a Committee.

21. Mr. Pitt, in a Committee, moved for leave to bring in a Bill to shut the Ports of Scotland, so far as respected the exportation of corn and grain, and to open them for the importation of corn and grain, duty free.

A conversation ensued with regard to the propriety of a temporary prohibition of distilleries.

Mr. Pitt thought that the benefits supposed to be derivable from this proposition would not outweigh the inconveniences: but should it be found expedient, the inconveniences would not stand in the way of its adoption.

A Member recommended to the attention of Ministry some plan for prohi→ biting the use of flour in hair powder.

Mr. Pitt said, that a proposition to that effect would soon be submitted to the consideration of Parliament.

Mr. Pitt's motion was then carried.

The House, pursuant to the Order of the Day, resolved itself into a Committee of Supply, Mr. Hobart in the Chair, on the Army Estimates.

Mr. Windham did not think it necessary, in this stage, to enter into any particular detail of these estimates, which were the same as those voted in the preceding year, and would content himself with only adverting to the additional force, and consequently additional expence, for the service of the present year, The additional force to be employed was to consist of 73,000 men, making in the whole of the military establishment the number of 222,000, in and out of commission. The expence attending the additional force of 73,000 men would be 2,175,000l. and the whole expence of the military establishment 6,652,000). After stating his readiness to afford any information in his power which should be demanded, he moved his first resolution, "That the number of 119,000 men, in and out of commission, be voted for the service of the year 1795.”

General Tarleton, in the censure which he was about to pass on the whole conduct of the war, acknowledged that some parts of the blame did not attach upon Mr. Windham, the system having been adopted before he came into Administration. He then began, by considering the plan of levying troops, by which purse-proud school-boys were put over the heads of old and experienced officers. After describing the hardship and loss to which old and meritorious officers were subjected by this plan, he proceeded to take a survey of all the operations of the war.

First, as to the campaign in the West Indies; after paying his tribute of applause to the conduct of Sir Charles Grey, he observed, that it was stipulated that the army with which that General was to proceed upon his expedition was to consist of 10,000 men, whereas the Minister supplied him with no more than half that number. Sir Charles, however, with his small army, formed a bold and able plan, by which he rendered himself master of St. Lucia, Guadaloupe, and Martinique. The force not being sufficient to maintain these conquests, and reinforcements not being furnished, Guadaloupe was since retaken; and