FEB. 5, 1828.] Retrenchment. [H. OF R. Sir, I do not know a more legitimate subject for differ- exercise necessary for their healths, should become ac ence of opinion, than the talents and merits of public quainted with the offices of rural labor: he proposed, also, men. I will not say what I may think of the talents of the establishment of a workshop, that they might become the present cabinet, because I feel that, to give an opi-familiar with the processes of mechanical skill; and, if the nion upon that point any weight, he who pronounces it gentleman from Massachusetts will pardon me for mentionmust have some pretensions to talents himself. But, sure-ing the fact, he even recommended the exercises of the ly, those who are competent to judge, and who do not Campus Martius. Yes, sir, in the spirit of our Virginia regard the abilities of the cabinet in the same favorable Bill of Rights, which declares that "a well regulated milight that the gentleman from Massachusetts does, may litia, composed of the whole body of our People, trained be permitted to express their opinions without incurring to arms, is the proper defence of every free State," and the charge of persecution. What would the honorable recognising the paramount obligation of every citizen to gentleman do? Would he suppress all freedom of opi-devote his person and life to the defence of his country, nion? Will he refuse to make any allowance for inevita- he proposed to introduce the performance of military exble differences of human judgment No, sir; rather, I ercises, as a part of the amusements of the University, should hope, he would take the advice of Mr. Jefferson, that the accomplishments of the soldier might be superand permit these deluded unfortunates to remain as "mo- added to the attainments of the scholar, and this he did numents of the safety with which error of opinion may without the slightest apprehension of fostering a military be tolerated, while reason is left free to combat it.” spirit, or producing a race of" Military Chieftains," who were to be the future destroyers of the liberties of their country. The recurrence of this venerable name reminds me of a duty, which the introduction, I had almost said, the unhallowed introduction of it, by the gentlemen from Massachusetts, imposes upon me. Sir, that gentleman, while descanting on the subject of the billiard table, brought in the name of Mr. Jefferson as authority for this courtly pastime, and stated he had been informed that Mr. Jefferson had proposed to introduce it at the University of Virginia, as a fit amusement for the students. If it had not been for this allusion, I certainly should have forborne to say any thing upon a theme already sufficiently hackneyed. But, standing in the relation in which I did to that illustrious man as his neighbor, his too much honored friend, and protegé-standing, too, in the relation in which I do to that Institution, which was the pride and | bantling of his old age, I feel that I ought not to permit the remark of the gentleman from Massachusetts to pass without correction. Sir, Mr. Jefferson was averse to all games of fashionaable dissipation. I believe he never played at them himself. I am sure he always discouraged them in others. His principle, in regard to amusements-for he was a philosopher even in his amusements-was to make them, while they exercised the body and recreated the mind, subservient to some useful end; to the discharge of some practical duty. Hence his own favorite amusements were found in the superintendence of his farm, and in the cultivation of his garden; and, when the weather was such as to prevent him from taking his usual exercises without doors, (in which case some gentlemen have said that the billiard table might be a very proper amusement, even for "most potent, grave, and reverend seigniors" of state,) his habit was to occupy himself with the labors of the work-shop. As every thing, however minute, which relates to the personal habits of a man like Mr. Jefferson, is interesting, I shall not be deemed tedious, I am sure, in mentioning the fact, known to you, Mr. Speaker, and others, as well as myself, that, in a room, adjoining his bed chamber, he kept a work bench, and a set of carpenter's tools, with which he employed himself, whenever the weather con fined him to the house, in fabricating articles of domestic accommodation; and that many specimens of this kind now remain in his family, to attest his ingenuity, his industry, and the primitive simplicity of his habits. Whether the sage of Monticello at his work bench, or the President of the United States at the billiard table, would present the best moral lesson, the spectacle of truest sublimity, it is not for me to say. Sir, the same views which directed Mr. Jefferson in his own amusements, governed him in recommending amusements to others. He never lost sight of the great principle of utility. In regard to a scheme of amusements for the University, I know he proposed the annexation of an experimental farm to it, that the students, in taking the VOL. IV-88 It would seem, Mr. Speaker, from what has been said by the friends of the Administration, in the course of this discussion, that they expected, by the fascinations of their eloquence, to cheat us of the evidence of our senses. They have exhibited such delightful pictures of the peace and happiness of the country, and of the wisdom and beneficence of our rulers, that one would think we were in the midst of a political millenium; and when notes of discontent break upon the ear, we turn, with astonishment, to see from what hidden and malignant source the unwelcome sound proceeds, least of all supposing that it can be the voice of the people. The gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. SERGEANT] consummated the climax of poetry and praise, by telling us, that, in after ages, the patriots of the land will look back to these times with mixed admiration and regret, as the pure and happy days of the Republic! Upon what principle the gentleman from Pennsylvania can represent those as the pure and happy days of a Republic, in which, for the first time, the great body of the People have become divided from the Government, I am utterly at a loss to conceive. When, before, has it happened, that the People of this country, during the existence of an Administration, have returned to both Houses of Congress a majority opposed to that Administration? Even the elder Mr. Adams, odious as his Administration had become, retained a majority in both branches of the Legislature to the very last. Is this unprecedented popular discontent, then, without any cause? we Sir, I had been taught to believe, that the contentment and satisfaction of the People were the best evidence of a wise and faithful administration of the Government. Permit me to read what one of the ablest and most sagacious writers that ever employed his pen in the public cause, (Junius) has said upon this subject: "If," says he, “ see the People obedient to the laws, prosperous in their industry, united at home, and respected abroad, we may reasonably presume that their affairs are conducted by men of experience, abilities, and virtue. If, on the contrary, we see an universal spirit of distrust and dissatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade, dissensions in all parts of the em pire, and a total loss of respect in the eyes of foreign Powers, we may pronounce, without hesitation, that the Government of that country is weak, distracted, and corrupt. The People, in all countries, are patient to a certain point. Il usage may rouse their indignation, and hurry them into excesses; but the original fault is in Govern. ment." Now, let us apply this test to the present Administration. Are the People prosperous in their industry? Let the depressed condition of agriculture and commerce, throughout the country, and the loud complaints even of the favorite child of the Government, manufactures, give H. OF R.] the answer. Are we united at home? The notorious is compelled to admit, that the expenditures of the last discontents of the public mind, and the agitations and con-year have exceeded its income by nine hundred thousand tentions of this hall, furnish melancholy proof to the con- dollars. This the President calls a "small excess". trary. Are we respected abroad? Let the present state of which may give some idea of the scale by which he graour relations, both with Europe and America, the absolute duates his notions of public economy. Sir, the People would refusal of the most powerful Government of the Old not complain of this excess of expenditure, if they thought World to negotiate with us on a subject of mutual inter- it had been bestowed on great national objects, connected est, and the jealous evasion of our friendly advances by with the safety or the glory of the country. But they be the Confederated Governments of the new, with the in-lieve that much of it has been bestowed, without any adesults and outrages of one of them, (Brazil) yet unatonedquate consideration of public service, in extravagant alfor, inform us. lowances to favorites, and rewards to partisans, in extendIf we then turn to the reverse of the picture, do we noting the influence to the Executive through new and cost. find every trait of it almost literally fulfilled in our present ly modes of patronage, and with a view to secure the concondition? Is there not an universal spirit of distrust and tinuance in office of the present incumbents. dissatisfaction, a rapid decay of trade, dissensions in all Sir, these are some of the causes of that spirit of distrust parts of the empire, and an almost total loss of respect in and dissatisfaction which now universally prevail, and they the eyes of foreign Powers? As to the causes of this de- show, according to the sagacious remark of the writer cay of trade, and the loss of respect in the eyes of foreign whom I have quoted, that the original fault is in GovernPowers, I will only say that, in my opinion, they are just-ment. As long as these causes of distrust and dissatisfacly chargeable to the errors or blunders of the present Ad- tion shall exist, I cannot agree with the gentleman from ministration. As these subjects, however, have been much Pennsylvania, that these are the pure and happy days of discussed elsewhere, and are necessarily involved in a the Republic! Sir, the day may come when the present great deal of detail, I will not take up the time of the period shall be looked back to, as a proud and splendid House, at this moment, with a development of my views era—proud and splendid for having witnessed a successin relation to them. ful triumph over the will of the People, and the princi. ples of the Constitution. But when that day arrives, this Government will be a Republic no longer. But it may be instructive to inquire, whence has arisen the universal spirit of distrust and dissatisfaction, whence those dissensions in all parts of the empire, which are ad- Sir, I am sorry to have been under the necessity of mitted to prevail? It is, Sir, because the People believe making these remarks. But they have been extorted from that, in the last election of their Chief Magistrate, the vital me by the course of the friends of the Administration in this principle of their sovereignty was assailed. In that elec. debate. Their extravagant eulogies of the Administration tion, they saw the great principle of representative re-their seductive representations of the present happy sponsibility openly violated and disregarded; and that vio-condition of the country, in regard to the enjoyment of lation forthwith patronized and rewarded by the Chief political blessings, and the security of political rights, are Magistrate, with the first place in his cabinet, and subse- so many accusations against the People for causeless disquently, by bestowing favors upon all who, in contribu-content-for ingratitude-for injustice! As a Representa ting to his elevation, had forfeited the confidence, and lost the support of their constituents. The People, moreover, believe that, in the circumstances of that election, and the cabinet arrangements which succeeded it, taken in connexion with a certain doctrine of "safe precedents," then for the first time avowed, they see, if not an express design, an inherent and inevitable tendency in the thing itself, to supersede all agency of the public will, in the choice of the Chief Executive Magistrate, and virtually to transfer to the incumbent the right of nominating his suc cessor. tive of the People, I have felt myself called upon to de- Mr. BARTLETT obtained the floor, and, after saying Mr. BURGES moved an adjournment. On this question Mr. HAILE demanded the Yeas and Nays, and they were ordered by the House, and being taken, the motion to adjourn was lost, Yeas 53, Nays 117. Mr. BARTLETT said, that, as some gentlemen ap peared averse to adjourning, he would withdraw his mo These, Sir, are some of the causes of that spirit of dis- tion. He then proceeded, and observed, that his prictrust and dissatisfaction which now universally prevail. But cipal object in rising, was to propose an amendment, or, they are not all. The present Chief Magistrate is hardly rather, to suggest one, which he intended to offer so soon warm in his place before he proclaims, from the seat of as it should be in order to do so. Mr. B. then stated the authority, doctrines in relation to the powers of this Gov-amendment to which he referred, and was proceeding in ernment, incompatible with every notion of a limited Con- his remarks, when stitution, and which threaten the rights of the States, and the liberties of the People, with total extirpation; and af ter having thus, by a lawless construction, indefinitely extended the powers of the Government, of which he forms a part, he seeks to appropriate to himself the largest share of the spoil, by new and unprecedented claims of Execu tive prerogative. In the true spirit of arrogated power, we then see him, in a time of profound peace, and when there was every reason to expect a speedy extinction of all grounds of controversy, heedlessly threater.ing a sovereign member of the Union with the military force of the nation, of which he is, theoretically at least, the Commander in Chief. Here, sir, we see another source of those dissensions of that spirit of distrust and dissatisfaction which now pervade the land. But, Sir, the People have had still other causes of dissatisfaction. They have seen the expenditures of the Government rapidly increased, at the same time that the revenue has been declining, till the fact has occurred, which the President himself, however disposed to palliate, Mr. BARTLETT then resumed, and said, that, as gentlemen whom he had himself heard with great pleasure, seemed to show an unwillingness to listen to the remarks of others, he should withdraw his intention of detaining the House one moment longer from taking the question. The cries for the question were now loud in every part of the House, and the CHAIR having put the question on the adoption of the amendment of Mr. HAMILTON to the amendment of Mr. BLAKE, Mr. DORSEY demanded that the question be taken by Yeas and Nays; and they were ordered by the House. Mr. WHIPPLE said he did not intend to occupy the attention of the House for any length of time, nor to pro crastinate, by extended debate, the business of the na tion, which would be better done, by reasonable des FEB. 5, 1828.] Retrenchment. [H. of R. patch, than by promises to do it early and go home,ly increasing population of this nation. It was not giving whilst we were, at the same time, by protracted discus-to the People just notions of the operations of our Gosions, disappointing the reasonable expectations which vernment, to say that no increase of expense was justifiwe thus excite among the People. In the early part of able. It would be as rational to tell the farmer that he this discussion, he had said to the House, that he was en- should continue his limited accommodations, in the same tirely willing to go into a full investigation of the ex-style, after he had grown wealthy, and make no improvependitures in the several departments of the Governments in his mode of culture, because he might incur an ment, and wished the investigation to be of the most full and fair kind, which might, at the same time, result in the correction of any abuses which might be found to exist, and also give the several officers of the Government an opportunity to be fully heard and fairly represented. No member delegated to this House could object to this course. It was our duty to grant supplies, and to know how those supplies had been expended, whether accord. ing to law, or not; but, at the same time, we ought to guard against the traduction of the characters of those en-tration. If extravagance has been introduced into this trusted with the execution of the laws. The amendment now introduced by the gentleman from Maryland, Mr. DORSEY] proposed to make the inquiry retrospective, so as to ascertain whether the contingent expenditures had increased or diminished during the present Administration, when compared with those of former ones. To this course he saw not only no unfairness, but much propriety and justice: for, should the investigation show, that more economy had been used by the present, than by former Administrations, it could not be the intention of even their adversaries to deny them the inerit of having effected it; if so, he did not envy them their feelings. The gentleman from Virginia, Mr. RIVES] to whom he always listened with attention, and with pleasure, had said, as had also another gentleman from the same State, [Mr. RANDOLPH] who, on account of his long experience in matters of Government, was entitled to some consideration, that the expenses of the Government had increased, were increasing, and ought to be diminished. If the expenses of Govern. ment have, within the period of the present Administra. tion-increased in an undue proportion to the increase of population in the country-the increase of our various plans of improvement, which have been put into execu. tion-then we might, indeed, be called on to retrench, with great force and propriety. increase of expense. Economy is relative, and consists in the adjustment of means to ends-disbursements to receipts. If the expenditures of the Government have only increased in a just proportion to the increased means of the country, and have been expended for the ends to which they were by law destined, then the Administra tion is blameless. Yes, sir, if we have disproportioned our appropriations to the wants of the country, or the means of the Treasury, it is not the fault of the Adminis Government, let us know under whose Administration it commenced-let us give those who now administer the Government an opportunity to be compared with their predecessors, and, if entitled to approbation, let them receive it. If this amendment shall be adopted, Mr. W. said, his vote would be given for the resolution as amended; if not, at the proper stage of the proceeding, he should move to amend the original resolutions, so that the expenditures in the Departments might be brought under examination from a period commencing earlier than the year 1824. Mr. STRONG inquired, whether, should the amend ment be adopted, it would be in order to amend it. The SPEAKER replied in the negative. Mr. STRONG then said, that he would vote for the amendment of Mr. HAMILTON, if that part of it which designated the committee to which it should be referred, were left in blank. As the amendment now stood, he must vote against it, because he did not wish this inquiry to go to a Select Committee, but to the Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. TAYLOR reminded his colleague that Mr. BLAKE'S amendment referred the inquiry to the Committee of Ways and Means. Mr. STRONG replied, he was aware of this, but he preferred Mr. HAMILTON's amendment to that of Mr. BLAKE, in every other respect but this. If the gentleman from South Carolina would put this in blank, he would vote for his amendment. Mr. HAMILTON not signifying assent, the question was put on the amendment of Mr. HAMILTON to the amendment of Mr BLAKE, and adopted, by Yeas and Nays, 112 to 74. Mr. CHILTON said he had risen to express his satisfaction with the amendment of the gentleman from South Carolina, and, good natured as it might seem in the eyes of some gentlemen upon that floor, to signify his acceptance of that amendment as a modification of his resolution. The CHAIR reminded Mr. CHILTON that this could not be done. We should recollect, sir, that our necessary relations with other nations have increased. A new family of nations has sprung up to the South of us, who are certainly entitled to our respectful attentions, to say the least of it, and this must cause us some increase of expenditure. Our Navy was formerly small-we had but a very inferior marine, which is now grown quite respectable-the contin gencies must therefore have been necessarily increased in this Department. Our intercourse with the Indians had also been extended, new purchases have been made, treaties concluded, in which some of the States felt a very deep interest, removals effected and effecting, of whole tribes. Such operations of the Government could not be carried on without an increase of expense: the appropriations were made by this House, were authorized by law, and were not, therefore, to be charged to the prodigality of the Administration. Mr. W. said he would not consume the time of the House, by enumerating the great increase in the extent, utility, and importance, of all our national institutions. He would, however, notice the land system, which had been much extended since its institution, had Mr. DORSEY said, that his only objection to the amendyielded yearly to the Treasury moneys to the amount of ment of Mr. HAMILTON was, that it confined the inquiry more than a million of dollars, and had also drawn from with regard to the secret service money, to the present the Treasury as much, and more, than it had yielded to Administration; whereas it ought to go back to the begin it, by about two millions and a half of dollars; yet the ing of the Government, that a comparative estimate value of the land system to the People of this nation, might be made of the amount of this fund under the dif widely extended as they were, was not to be estimated ferent Administrations of the Government. Justice deby a close account of dollars and cents, but by the exten-manded that the committee should be instructed to what sive benefits which have been conferred upon the rapid-point they were to extend their inquiry. The original resolution was now read, as amended, when Mr. DORSEY moved to amend Mr. HAMILTON's amend ment, by inserting, after the words "secret service money," the words, "from the 1st July, 1790." Mr. HAMILTON replied that he had stated, in his amendment, no particular time, because he did not wish to embarrass the committee. He had purposely left this open, that the committee might accumulate all the information they could, consistently with rendering their report at the present session. If the House should order them to prosecute their inquiry to a particular given point of time, and it should turn out that they were not able to reach that point in time to report during the present session, what could the committee do? Must they make a partial report--an incomplete one? Then they would be subject to blame for not having performed all their duty. [FEB. 5, 1828. then let the People judge how prudent the present Administration has been, when compared with those which have preceded it. Mr. BATES, of Missouri, said that he did not rise to discuss the general question, but to make a suggestion to the gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. HAMILTON.] That gentleman had specified no time whatever, within which the committee were to make this inquiry; and, as a reason for this omission, had expressed his fear, that, if any point were designated, the committee might not have time to reach it. But, if no point was specified, peradventure, the committee might begin at the other end, and so we may have the detail of half a dozen years, Mr. DORSEY said, that, if the amendment he proposed but not coming down far enough to touch the question. embraced a general and extensive range of inquiries, the I, for one, said Mr. B. wish the House to probe this matargument of the gentleman from South Carolina might ter to the core. Let us do every thing that comports with apply. But his amendment only asked that the commit-justice and truth; let us inquire minutely and thoroughly; tee should inquire into the different amounts of one par- and then we shall be prepared to say whether we will ticular fund, under the successive Administrations, from acquit or condemn. According to the view of the gentlethe year 1790. Could this present such a very great dif- man from South Carolina himself, the committee might ficulty? He appealed to the gentleman's candor for a possibly not be able to do all that could be wished; but, if reply. you leave them to begin wherever they please, they may shed all their light upon one spot, and that would only make darkness visible." Mr. HAMILTON answered, that if, in all the expenditures, the law had been fulfilled, it could be no matter where the inquiry should stop. But if the law had been violated, the gentleman from Maryland must himself acknowledge, that precedent would not justify its viola tion. Mr. TAYLOR said that it would not require three hours' labor of a clerk to give all the results sought for by the amendment of the gentleman from Maryland. The time to be consumed, therefore, could form no objection. As to the different situation of an Administration when the country was at war, and in peace, there was sufficient intelligence in the American People to make the necessary allowances on this score. The information now sought had never yet been communicated in any report that he knew of. Mr. M'DUFFIE said he had risen to suggest to the gen tleman from Maryland [Mr. DORSEY] a modification of his motion, which he thought would more effectually accom plish the object he had in view. If, said Mr. M’D. this Mr. BURGES said, it appeared to him very singular inquiry is to assume the aspect of being intended to imthat, when the House was inquiring as to the amount of plicate the Administration, I, for one, should be very sor a fund, the expenditure of which was placed, by law, un-ry to withhold from them whatever fairness and justice der the sound discretion of the President of the United may require. I am in favor of giving the inquiry suffiStates, gentlemen should object to turning back their cient latitude to let a comparison be drawn, and yet, eyes to the history of the preceding Administrations. not enough to smother the inquiry altogether. If the He readily agreed that one violation of law could ne- gentleman would extend it back, so as to include the ver justify another. But the inquiry related to a mat- Administration of Mr. Monroe, he would vote for it. ter where there was no law-where the law had express-But he thought there was no propriety in including in ly refused to interfere, and had itself committed the ex- the comparison the Administration of Mr. Madison, dupenditure of the fund to the discretion of the Executive. ring a part of which, the country had been at war, and He, for one, wanted to see if the Executive was not as when there was a particular use for this fund. The comdiscreet now, with relation to this expenditure, as it had parison, in order to be fair, ought to be between Adminbeen in former days. The gentleman from South Caroli istrations analogously situated. na was apprehensive that there would not be time for this inquiry. But, the fund was disbursed in two parcels only, and there were now, perhaps, twenty accounts to be looked at. He would venture to say that there was not a gentleman in the House who could not make the whole examination in three days. All that was asked for was merely a few copies from the Treasury books: for he had not understood that this committee were to have power to send for persons and papers. They were not to sit as a body inquisitorial, and bring before them every President now alive. The President, when he had expended this sum,gave his certificate that he had done so. This was all the law required, and were this committee to put three Presidents of the United States under interrogatories, and demand of them why did you pay this item? and why did you pay that? He hardly believed it was the intention of the House, that the Committee should do that; and unless they went into such an inquiry, all that they wanted was already on paper, and could readily be obtained. He wished to know why gentlemen had gone into an inquiry of this invidious character? But if they must inquire about this discretionary find, was it not proper, would it not be becoming and dignified, to compare the prudence and good judgment of one President, with that of another? Could gentlemen, by refusing this, wish to give to their inquiry the character of a mere electioneering project? Could it be their object to fix suspicion on the present President of the United States? If not, why must the Committee be forbidden to travel beyond the limits of the present or the past Administration? Let them go back to the beginning, and Mr. T. concluded by demanding that the question on Mr. DORSEY'S amendment should be taken by yeas and nays, and it was so ordered by the House. The ques tion being now about to be put Mr. INGHAM said, that, as the yeas and nays had been ordered, he wished to give the reasons which would govern his vote. He thought it important that the House should establish the principle that it might at any time look into the conduct of the Administration of the Government, without being always compelled to go back to its origin. Suppose the Government was a thousand years old, and a future Administration should be charged with abuse, must our posterity be obliged to go back to the beginning of the Government, to see something to sanction it? There could be no reason for going back with this inquiry, unless it was to seek for some abuse. Sir, said Mr. I. we have been invited to this inquiry-we have been challenged, dared, taunted, and pressed to the inquiry. But now, when the resolution to inquire is passed, the scene changes, and the gentlemen who challenged us are not willing to go into the inquiry, unless t they can find some mantle from the past with which to cover the nakedness of this Administration. Sir, is this like the tone which they have held for the last week or two? They told us to probe this matter to the bottom; to conceal nothing; to publish our discoveries to the world. But what are we told now? You must not inquire into the expenditure of the secret service fund, unless you go back and get something to cover the conduct of the Administration. Sir, I have no objections to the amendment, but they surely are the last gentlemen 2 who ought to have made such a proposition. Their bold and manly tone is strangely changed, when we touch the contingent fund. Then we behold a fluttering—yes, sir, . a strange, unaccountable fluttering. We must be sent back to the days of Washington. But what has such an inquiry to do with this Administration? Were we not invited? Were we not pressed? Were we not urged to this inquiry? Why do gentlemen now back out, and change their ground? those means. [H. OF R as well as the whole country, are sick and tired. I yielded the floor for the sake of the question, and the question only. After much further debate, however, the gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr. INGHAM] rose, and with much ardor of manner, charged the friends of the Administration of having urged them on to investigation, taunted, provoked them to it, and of then "backing out" from the inquiry. This charge I could only understand in reference to the fact, that I had withdrawn myself from the debate. I could no longer, by my silence, assent to an imputation so unjust. [Mr. INGHAM rose to explain-and said, in his remark, he did not allude to Mr. B's having refrained from speaking-it was not intended to apply to him.] Mr. B. proceeded. I may have been led to make such application, from not seeing any other cause for the remark. There surely was nothing of backing out in the amendment then before the House, which proposed a more extensive and thorough inquiry, and even compariMr. BARTLETT said, when he had last taken his son with a former Administration. But for this, I should seat, he was happy in believing that the question was at not have felt compelled to intrude myself upon the attenlast about to be put. But, sir, what do we witness now? tion of the House-should not, as I now do, suffer, both Instead of taking the question, the discussion is protract on my own account, and that of the House, most painful ed by those who have had the House to themselves for regrets for such necessity. However reluctantly I come the last two days. Now, the gentleman says, we back to this duty, it shall not be mingled with any thing of out-we change our ground. Sir, since such language a personal character, or of unkindness of feeling. is held, I will no longer observe the courtesy I had intendSo long have we been listening to the topics of this deed, of withdrawing the remarks I had contemplated. bate, and so wide a range has been taken, that its origin Sir, what is the proposition before you? Is it to shrink is already disputed. The resolution itself has been subfrom investigation? I do not understand the gentleman's jected to so many mutations, that its identity may well be language, if this is shrinking. Is it shrinking from inqui- questioned: it now retains scarce a single feature origiry to extend inquiry? In order to judge, we must have nally given it by its putative father. Of the original rethe means of comparison. The amendment will give us solution, it should be remembered, that it affirmed as fact, Sir, the observations of the gentleman that abuses existed; reform was necessary, and could be who has just taken his seat, have been of such a charac-effected only by certain process, &c.; that these positer as induces me, reluctant as I might be, at this late tions were sustained by the friends of the mover, with hour, to intrude myself upon the House, to recur to the other allegations and specifications of charges of mal-adremarks which it had been my intention to submit. ministration of the Government. We have been told, Mr. B. having proceeded thus far, the House ad- sir, that the President has been guilty of illegally pocketjourned. ing public money, before his election to office; that he has come to the office by corruption, and a violation of the Constitution. He has been compared to the midnight robber in our dwelling house; has been charged with abuse of his official power, and prostrating the interest of the country. And yet we are asked, why so sensitive Why do gentlemen suppose the Administration is attacked? They 'do, indeed, cast around them firebrands, and arrows, and death, and say, are we not in sport? Sir, when we look back upon this discussion, on the one hand we have heard charges alleged, insinuations and imputations attempted to be fixed upon the President of the United States; while, on the other hand, no retaliation has been resorted to-no syllable has been uttered against him for whose supposed benefit such resort to accusation is had. Let not the friends of that individual mistake the cause of this abstinence from recrimination and attack. Are there no facts to sustain such a course? And if none, could we not find a justification in the example of our opponents, to call the whispers of calumny, newspaper reports, or even the fictions of fancy, to the reinforcements of such warfare? But I will not be provoked to a course, in my judgment, so unbecoming my character and that of my country. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 6, 1828. The House again resumed the consideration of the resolution for retrenchment, as amended on the motion of Mr. HAMILTON; when Mr. BARTLETT said, that, in the early stage of the debate, he had attempted to address the Chair, not for the purpose of engaging in the discussion, but to invoke the House to abstain from it. An appeal, the sentiments of which he most cordially approved, had been made-he was sorry to say, in vain had been made-by gentlemen from South Carolina, Tennessee, and Louisiana, [Messrs. MCDUFFIE, BELL, and LIVINGSTON. Since the debate had assumed a character somewhat different from that with which it commenced, I have [said Mr. B.] given some attention to the statements made by gentlemen in their arguments to this House. After the able and imposing speeches of the gentlemen from Pennsylvania and Virginia, [Mr. BUCHANAN and Mr. RIVES] to whom the House listened so attentively, through the last two days, I was disposed, should the discussion be continued, to submit some observations in reply. To ascertain the feeling of the House, the motion to adjourn was made, which, on seeing a disposition manifested to take the question, I most cheerfully withdrew. Untenable as I believed the positions attempted to be sustained by those gentlemen, I chose to forego any reply I might make, rather than contribute, by possibility, to the extension of the discussion to another day. When the motion to adjourn was renewed by another gentleman, I voted against it, upon the conviction that I could, in no way, do so acceptable a service, as to bring to an end, a debate, of which we, This subject has been treated as one of individual concern-as intended only to accuse, or excuse, the President and Executive of the United States. I come to it for higher purposes. I am for such resolution as shall secure the most thorough, uncompromising investigation— the most unsparing reform; and I say, what it would give me pleasure to say were I friendly or adverse, that, in my belief, a rigid scrutiny will furnish them a most triumphant vindication of every charge upon their official conduct. I thank God that, in my bosom, the heat of |
