SENATE.] Fortification Bill. [MAY 21, 1836. Statement of forts which are finished on the seaboard of that in repeated instances. Here is his latest recomthe United States. mendation, in his report of April 8th: After this exhibition, Mr. B. hoped that there would be less pertinacity about these plans and estimates. He believed the conjectural estimates, made by the engi neer department, and founded upon the number of guns, to be as safe a guide as the detailed estimate, founded upon calculations made by the engineer board; for, in one case, there was a judgment upon the whole, founded upon the size of the work and the cost of labor and materials at the place; in the other, there was an arithmetical calculation, founded upon assumed data, and in which the smallest error in the basis of calculation led to great errors in the result. Finally, Mr. B. had one further view to present of the utility of these famous estimates, which he hoped would give the quietus to these incessant demands for them; it was this: that we made no use of the plans and estimates which we have! We do not look at them! We do not call for them! We do not mention them! We do not allude to them! In every case in which we have the plans and estimates for the fort, no call is made for it! In the few instances in which there are none, an incessant cry is set up for them! Now, why not use those that we have? Simply because it would be of no use to do so! Because no practical benefit could flow from it. What is a plan? Nothing but a diagram on paper--a figure of sides and angles with dots and marks for guns and batteries. Very pretty to look at; but which no legislator can remark upon, or criticise, or in any way presume to alter. None but professional men, and they upon the spot, could presume to give an opinion upon the plan of a fort; and, therefore, it was useless for Congress to view the plan. The number of guns was the essential thing for them to know; for that governed every thing else, and enabled them to say whether they would defend the place or not. Mr. B. said the fortifications seemed to have a hard fate, and to be incapable of being brought forward at any time, or in any form, to escape opposition. At the last session, the three million appropriation was lost because it was not specific, and because it was not offcially recommended by the President; now, the appropriations for the same object are opposed again, and by the same gentlemen, although they are specific and are recommended by the President. The President has expressly recommended these works, and that in writing. The Secretary of War has also recommended them, and "There are two bills for fortifications now pending before Congress. One, before the House, amounting to $2,180,000, and intended to prosecute works already actually commenced. The estimates for this bill may therefore be considered necessary in themselves, under any view of the general subject, and not unreasonable in amount for the present year, because they include the operations of two years. The incidental expenses, however, may be safely reduced one-half, as it will not be necessary to make such extensive repairs as were considered requisite when the estimates were prepared. "The bill pending before the Senate contains appropriations for nineteen new works, and for the sum of $600,000 to be expended for steam-batteries. The estimates on which this bill was founded were prepared at a time when prudence required that arrangements should be made for a different state of things from that which now exists. An examination of the general system of defence was not then expedient; and the means of protecting the most exposed points, agreeably to information previously collected, was asked of Congress. It was no time then to stop, and, instead of prosecuting established plans vigorously, to lose the period of action by surveys, and examinations, and discussions. But the opportunity is now afforded, without danger to the public interest, of applying the principles suggested to the works under consideration. "It cannot be doubted but that fortifications at the following places, enumerated in this bill, will be neces sary: "At Penobscot bay, for the protection of Bangor, &c. "At Kennebec river. "At Portland. "At Portsmouth. "At New Bedford. "A redoubt on Federal point. "For the Barrancas "For Fort St. Philip. "These proposed works all command the approach to places sufficiently important to justify their construction under any circumstances that will probably exist. I think, therefore, that the public interest would be promoted by the passage of the necessary appropriations for them. As soon as these are made, such of the positions as may appear to require it can be examined, and the form and extent of the works adapted to existing circumstances, if any change be desirable. The construction of those not needing examination can com mence immediately, and that of the others, as soon as the plans are determined upon. By this proceeding, therefore, a season may be saved in the operations." Another objection to forts is, that they are to lead to a standing army in time of peace. Nothing can be more erroneous. A few regulars to keep them in order in time of peace, is all that is wanting; in war, they are expressly intended to be garrisoned by militia and volunteers. The body of the garrison is to be the yeomanry of the country, with a few artillerists and regulars. The peculiar recommendation of forts in our country is their adaptation to defence by militia and volunteers; and upon that ground they have been constantly advocated and defended. It is a panic at nothing, to take fright at a standing army, thus conjured up to defeat the bill. It is to dispense with regulars, and to provide positions for the yeomanry to defend, that forts are wanted in our country. Mr. B. wished to impress upon the Senate that the 1521 MAY 21, 1836.] Fortification Bill. forts proposed in this bill were but a continuation of a system commenced forty years ago, recommended under The limitaevery administration, and partly executed. tions proposed by the Secretary of War, and approved by the President, would affect the size of some of the large forts, but would not much diminish their number. Forts in open roadsteads are objected to; forts of large In this, size are objected to, on account of their size. the President and Secretary strike the main objection which was taken to the system of fortifications fifteen years ago by those who were then styled radicals. Fort Monroe covers sixty-four acres of ground; it covers nearly as much ground, and costs nearly as much money, as the twelve forts put together, which are contained in this bill. Fort Calhoun, built near it, is nearly as large; the two together cost nearly four millions of dollars. They were objected to fifteen years ago by those who were then stigmatized as radicals; they are objected to now by the President and Secretary of War, and everybody applauds the objection. No more such are proposed. No more such will be built on this continent, though a powerful fort will be wanted at Key West, or the Dry Tortugas. The forts proposed in the bill, and those which will be proposed hereafter, are the moderate sized works contended for by the reproached radicals, in 1821, and applauded now by everybody. Mr. B. read an extract from the message of Governor Everett of Massachusetts to the General Assembly of that State, at its last session, and relied upon it, not only to sustain the propriety of erecting some of the forts enumerated in the bill, but also to show the necessity of early appropriations, and to make it manifest that the public service had already suffered by the delay which had taken place. The following is the extract read: "In the course of the last winter, resolutions were adopted by the Legislature, instructing our Senators and requesting our Representatives in Congress to use all proper means to obtain the requisite appropriations for the repair of the fortification on Castle island, and the vigorous prosecution of the works commenced on George's island, in Boston harbor. Their exertions were so far successful, that the requisite appropriations introduced into the fortification bill, in the Senate of the United States, by way of amendment, received the sanction of the committees of the other branch of Congress to which they were referred, and passed through all but the last stage of legislation in the House of Representatives. The entire bill was unfortunately lost, in consequence of the introduction of another amendment in the House of Representatives, on which the two Houses disagreed. Notwithstanding the failure of the new appropriations, some progress was made on both the works, particularly on that upon George's island, during the past season, by means of the unexpended balance of the appropriations of the year 1834. I have the satisfaction to inform you, that, for the present year, large appropriations have been recommended for both objects by the Department of War. The rapid progress of these works is of extreme importance; and it is much to be desired that the appropriations should be so early made, as to prevent the loss of some of the best months in the season, which frequently occurs, in this branch of the public service, in consequence of the delay in the passage of the appropriation bills. Among the documents accompanying the report from the War Department, at the commencement of the present session of Congress, is a statement of several new works, proposed by the board of engineers, for the defence of the coast, and arranged in different classes, according to their importance. Among those of the first class, to be commenced as soon as possible,' I notice, with great satisfaction, five or six works, which, when executed, will complete the defences of Boston harbor; a part of the seaboard second VOL. XII.-96 [SENATE. to no other in importance, and hitherto almost wholly Mr. B. deprecated the sectional tone which had per- Mr. B. deprecated also the extravagant manner of opposing this bill, as a plan to line the whole coast with batteries-as a plan to shut out a foreign army from landing at any point-as a plan to raise a great standing army. All this he treated as panical, and intended to frighten weak nerves and weaker heads. The forts procities-were to be manned by a few artillerists in time posed were small in extent-confined to the defence of of peace, and were to look to the militia and volunteers for their main garrisons in time of war. necessity of forts to prevent cities from being sacked, plundered, and bombarded; and the folly of depending upon men alone, no matter how brave, with muskets and rifles in their hands, to defend a city against thirty-six inch bombs, flying four thousand yards through the air, Forts to keep off fleets and and bursting with a bushel of fire and shot among the dwellings of the citizens. He showed the cruisers could alone do this. SENATE.] Conference-Fortification Bill. sity for forts. Ships of war must have ports of refuge, as well as merchant vessels; they must have places where they can lie secure when pressed by superior force. All naval Powers provide places of refuge and protection for their ships, not only at home, but abroad. England, France, and Holland, are eminent examples. Why does England seize upon commanding positions all over the globe-Gibraltar, Malta, the Cape of Good Hope, Madagascar, Jamaica, and so many other places, except as naval stations, to protect her own marine and to command others in time of war? We, on the contrary, with ample means in our hands, are delaying and neglecting to establish places of refuge for our marine, even upon our own coasts, and upon that gulf, upon whose bosom, and through whose outlet between Key West and Cuba, the whole commerce of the mighty West is to float. Forts and naval stations upon that gulf are western objects, for which every western man, here or at home, should perseveringly contend. Mr. B. concluded with his standing remark, that Congress was now in the sixth month of the session, and not a shilling voted yet for fortifications! That we were going on two years without appropriations for a single fort! When Mr. BENTON had concluded, Mr. SOUTHARD addressed the Senate in opposition to the bill. Messrs. HILL and WALL severally addressed the Senate in favor of the bill; after which, Mr. CALHOUN moved that it be laid on the table, to enable him to make a report from the committee of conference; which motion was agreed to by general con sent. CONFERENCE. Mr. CALHOUN then, from the committee of conference appointed to confer with a similar committee of the House on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses as to the Senate's amendment to the bill authorizing the President to accept the services of ten thousand volunteers, and to raise an additional regiment of light dragoons, reported that they had had a meeting with the committee of the House of Representatives, and that they had jointly agreed to recommend an amendment to their respective Houses, in substance as follows: The President is authorized to accept the service of volunteers, the number not exceeding ten thousand, in companies, regiments, brigades, and divisions; the officers to be commissioned in the manner prescribed by the laws of the several States from which these volunteers may offer themselves. Where regiments, brigades, or divisions volunteer, they shall be commanded by the same officers by whom they shall be commanded at the time of volunteering; and that, for volunteers offering their services in single companies, the President shall organize them into battalions, regiments, brigades, and divisions, and apportion the battalion and field officers among the States from which said companies shall come. After some remarks from Messrs. KING, of Alabama, and CALHOUN, the report was laid on the table. At a subsequent period of the day, a message was received from the House of Representatives by Mr. FRANKLIN, their clerk, stating that the House had adopted the report made by their committee of conference, and asked the concurrence of the Senate therein. On motion of Mr. CALHOUN, the report and message of the House were then considered; and on the question, Shall the Senate concur in the amendment recommended by the committee of conference? it was decided in the affirmative. FORTIFICATION BILL. On motion of Mr. BENTON, the fortification bill was [MAY 21, 1836. again taken up, and, after some remarks from Mr. CALHOUN in opposition to the amendment, the question was taken, and it was adopted by the following vote: YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Hill, Hubbard, King of Ala bama, Linn, Morris, Niles, Preston, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright-20. NAYS--Messrs. Black, Calhoun, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, King of Georgia, Mangum, Naudain, Nicholas, Robbins, Swift, Tomlinson, White--13. Mr. BENTON then moved to fill the blank with $75,000, so as to make the appropriation for Penobscot for two years, $75,000 for each year; which, after some remarks from Mr. PRESTON, who thought the sum too large, was agreed to. Mr. PRESTON then moved to strike out the appropriation of $100,000 for fortifications at Kennebec river, that being one of the places for which there were no estimates or surveys. After some remarks in support of the motion from Messrs. CALHOUN and PRESTON, and from Mr. BENTON in opposition to it, the question was decided in the negative: Yeas 7, nays 21, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Calhoun, Ewing of Ohio, King of Georgia, Mangum, Preston, Robbins, White-7. NAYS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Davis, Ewing of Illinois, Grundy, Hendricks, Hill, Hubbard, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Nicholas, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright-21. Mr. BENTON moved further to amend the bill by striking out the appropriation of $100,000 for fortifications at Kennebec river, and inserting $100,000 for the same object for the year 1836, and $200,000 for the year 1837. Mr. PRESTON moved that the Senate adjourn-lost: Ayes 12, noes 13. Mr. WALL moved to amend the amendment, so as to make it read $100,000 per annum for two years; which motion was agreed to. The question was then taken on the amendment as amended, and it was adopted: Yeas 19, nays 9, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Grundy, Hill, Hubbard, King of Alabama, Linn, Mor. ris, Nicholas, Niles, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright-19. NAYS-Messrs. Calhoun, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, King of Georgia, Mangum, Preston, Webster, White--9. Mr. BENTON moved further to amend, by striking out the appropriation for fortifications at Portland, and inserting for the same object $75,000 per annum for two years; which motion was carried in the affirmative: Yeas 20, nays 8, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Grundy, Hill, Hubbard, King of Alabama, Linn, Morris, Nicholas, Niles, Preston, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright-20. NAYS-Messrs. Calhoun, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, King of Georgia, Mangum, Webster, White-8. Mr. PRESTON moved that the Senate adjourn--lost: Ayes 11, noes 15. Mr. PRESTON then moved to strike out the appropriation for fortifications at Portsmouth, which motion was lost without a division. Mr. BENTON moved further to amend the bill, by inserting in lieu of the appropriation for fortifications at Portsmouth, "for fortifications at Portsmouth, $150,000 annually, for two years." On taking this question, it was found that there was not a quorum voting. The following is the vote: 1525 MAY 23, 1836.] OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS. YEAS-Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Grundy, Hill, Hubbard, King of Alabama, Linn, Nicholas, Niles, Robinson, Ruggles, Shepley, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright-18. NAYS-Messrs. Black, Hendricks, White-3. Mr. DAVIS moved that the Senate adjourn-lost: There still being no quorum, MONDAY, MAY 23. RECOGNITION OF TEXAS. Mr. WALKER rose and said there had been forwarded to him the proceedings of a large and respectable meeting of citizens of the State of Mississippi, held at the court-house of Warren county, which he had been requested to present to the Senate. The resolutions contained in these proceedings (Mr. W. said) instructed their Representatives and requested their Senators in Congress to use their utmost endeavors to obtain from this Government the immediate recognition of the independence of Texas, stating the reasons which have induced the people of this county to urge this measure. The time had now arrived (Mr. W. believed) for action on this subject; and he therefore moved the reference of these proceedings to the Committee on Foreign Re. lations. Mr. W. handed up to the table the resolutions in a printed form; upon which, The CHAIR stated that a paper in that form could not be received; that it must be attested by the real signatures of some of the parties, or accompanied by a letter vouching for its authenticity. Mr. WALKER said that he was himself satisfied of the authenticity of the proceedings; their having been sent in a printed form, was merely for the convenience of transmission; and that he had received a letter on the subject, but that, in consequence of its containing also matters of a private nature, he did not wish to communicate it for publication. The CHAIR stated that the rule of the Senate was imperative on this subject. Mr. WALKER said that if it was out of order to receive this paper, he would, in obedience to the instructions of his constituents, move the reference of the proceedings of the citizens of Cincinnati, having a similar object in view, presented some days since by the Senator from Ohio, [Mr. MORRIS.] Mr. MORRIS did not feel disposed to take up these This was a very important resolutions at this time. question, which would, in all probability, produce some excitement in the country, and he was not prepared to act on it before it became necessary. He was not willing to take all he had heard as facts, until officially communicated. It was true, it was a glorious struggle, in which our citizens, and he among the rest, felt a deep interest; nevertheless, he did not go the length of the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. WALKER.] He had received from the capital of his State proceedings of a meeting of highly respectable citizens, warmly espousing the cause of Texas; and he was the first to present to the Senate proceedings on this subject. The recognition of Texas involved a question which did not meet the eye, and which was beyond the mere recognition of her independence-a question that would convulse this Union from one end to the other; and the observance of prudence and caution was necessary. While there was agitation on this subject, it was not the most appropriate time for action upon it. It might have a material effect upon some portions of the country, and he there [SENATE. fore thought the time had not yet arrived when it was Mr. PRESTON, with great satisfaction, tendered to The period had now arrived, when, if public information was not false, some action on the part of this Government would be proper. He did not mean direct and positive, but initiatory action, to put things in a course of investigation. If a tithe of that information was true, no one could question but that the domination of the President of Mexico was forever at an end. If it was true that his army was dispersed, his person captured, and the Texan army triumphant, Texas was in the situation supposed, some days since, by the Senator from Massachusetts, having a Government de facto, and being to all intents and purposes independent. They had, it was true, received no official confirmation of this more than take the initiatory steps to obtain further inintelligence; and therefore it was not proposed to do but, without overestimating the feelings of the Senator formation through the Committee on Foreign Relations; from Mississippi, he would take it for granted, that if, instead of these rumors, they had been in possession of official confirmation of the Texan victory, the gentleman would at once have laid a resolution on the table for the immediate recognition of the independence of Texas. Mr. WALKER accepted with great pleasure the proceedings tendered him by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. PRESTON.] Mr. MORRIS said he would not now object to the use sippi. of the Ohio proceedings by the Senator from Missis Mr. WALKER then moved the reference of all the proceedings and memorials in relation to Texas to the Committee on Foreign Relations. He said that his feelof any other Senator, by the fact, that he attributed the ings had perhaps been more deeply excited than those death of a very near and much beloved relative, in passing through Texas immediately preceding the late strugMr. W. said he spoke and acted authorities in Texas. gle, to the unwarrantable proceedings of the Mexican on this subject upon his own responsibility, and not, as was supposed by the Senator from South Carolina, [Mr. Mr. W. PRESTON,] as the organ of the administration. said he had no authority to represent the President's views on this subject; but that, were he to give his own opinion of those views, Mr. W. could not doubt but that, as a man, the President could not be otherwise than friendly to the cause of those who were struggling for liberty against usurpation in any quarter of the globe; that the love of liberty still glowed as warmly in the bosom of our venerated President as when in the morning of life he shed his blood in the defence of his country in the war of the Revolution; that, whatever might be the feelings of the President, as a man, he would no doubt so discharge the duties of his office as to preserve unsullied the national faith and the national honor. If (said Mr. W.) the accounts we had received from Texas were official, he would have moved a resolution for the immediate recognition of the independence of Texas. Mr. W. believed these accounts to be true; but, as the information was unofficial, he had moved the reference of the Texas memorials to the Committee on Foreign Relations, in the expectation that they would immediately investigate the subject, and be enabled to present the facts to us in the authentic form which would justify immediate action. When South America was not yet wholly disenthralled from the power of Spain-when the scale was still balancing, and the question not yet entirely determined which should preponderate, liberty or despotism, Congress had acted upon the question of South American independence. And, at a late period, when the struggle in Greece was still progressing-when her classic soil was still the theatre of a sanguinary and doubtful conflict-when the Moslem crescent had not yet faded before the dawn of liberty--the distinguished Senator from Massachusetts had moved to accredit an agent to Greece. If we were warranted in thus acting upon that occasion, why refuse now to investigate, through the appropriate committee, the situation of affairs in Texas? The intelligence is, that a division of the Mexican army has been overthrown, and the survivors of the contest captured by the troops of Texas; that Santa Anna, the leader of the Mexican army, and the head of the Mexican Government, the very man in whose person that Government was concentrated, was also a prisoner; and that he had consented to the exaltation of Texas, and the immediate recognition of her independence. If, then, (said Mr. W.,) Texas has maintained, upon the field of battle, that declaration of independence made by her many months since-if that independence has been acknowledged by the head of the Mexican Government, and Texas evacuated by the Mexican troops--if there be now a Government de facto in operation in Texas, and her enemies overthrown-we must, upon the principles that have always guided our course, recognise at once the independence of Texas. Mr. WEBSTER said that if the people of Texas had established a Government de facto, it was undoubtedly the duty of this Government to acknowledge their independence. The time and manner of doing so, however, were all matters proper for grave and mature consideration. He should have been better satisfied, had this matter not been moved again till all the evidence had been collected, and until they had received official information of the important events that had taken place in Texas. As this proceeding had been moved by a member of the administration party, he felt himself bound to understand that the Executive was not opposed to take the first steps now, and that in his opinion this proceeding was not dangerous or premature. Mr. W. was of opinion that it would be best not to act with precipita tion. If this information was true, they would doubtless before long hear from Texas herself; for as soon as she felt that she was a country, and had a country, she [MAY 23, 1836. would naturally present her claims to her neighbors, to be recognised as an independent nation. He did not say that it would be necessary to wait for this event, but he thought it would be discreet to do so. He would be one of the first to acknowledge the independence of Texas, on reasonable proof that she had established a Government. There were views connected with Tex-. as which he would not now present, as it would be premature to do so; but he would observe that he had received some information from a respectable source, which turned his attention to the very significant expression used by Mr. Monroe in his message of 1822, that no European Power should ever be permitted to establish a colony on the American continent. He had no doubt that attempts would be made by some European Government to obtain a cession of Texas from the Government of Mexico. ter. Mr. MORRIS said that on this question he was in hopes he should be able to make himself fully understood. He explained his views of the effect of the motion of the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. WALKED,] which he thought was premature and hasty. Mr. M. disclaimed being under Executive influence in this matHe went with and for the people of the State he represented. It was true he respected the Executive will, when he knew it officially. But, he asked, where was the Government or the authorized agents of Texas? Those gentlemen who were here as agents, he believed, had shown no credentials from the authorities of Texas. He would go as far as any gentleman on this floor in favor of civil and religious liberty, and held that all men were born free and equal. When he acted as the humble organ of a portion of the people of this Government, he desired to act on something official. He would be prepared to act on this most important event at the proper time, and he believed that time would soon arrive. He could sympathize in the feelings of the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. WALKER.] That Senator had reason to feel in this matter, having met with the loss of a near relative. But he ought not to suffer his judgment to be misled by the intensity of his feelings. They might, out of these walls, act in their individual capacity like men; but when acting as Senators, they should be cautious. But as the Senator from Mississippi said time would be taken for consideration by the committee, if referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations, and as that committee was an able one, he would withdraw his objection to the reference. Mr. WALKER stated that, from the observations of the Senator from Ohio, it would seem that the gentleman supposed that his course on this occasion had been dictated by the impulses of his heart, and not by his judgment. The gentleman was deeply mistaken; for there was no one subject upon which he had more deeply reflected, and more deliberately consulted bis judgment, than on the subject of Texas. At the pe riod when the treaty was made, by which the valley of the Mississippi was dismembered, and Texas surrendered to a foreign Power--at that period, not yet having arrived at the age of manhood, and not being entitled to a vote, he had expressed his conviction against that treaty, and, by addresses in 1826 in the public papers over his own signature, had shown his opposition to that unwise and improper measure. These were the deliberate dictates of his own judg ment, before he ever had a relative in Texas, before he was a resident of a southern State, and before he ever expected to have a seat on this floor. These, he said, were not southern feelings-they were not northern feelings-no, they were the feelings which were wholly American, prompted by an ardent zeal for civil and religious liberty; and which, he trusted, would ever have influence in every American bosom. It was the |
