JAN. 6, 1829. Drawback on Refined Sugar -Slavery in the District of Columbia. is due in courtesy to the State that the memorial should receive the same respectful consideration here, that is invariably given to the petitions of individuals daily presented to the House. I hope, sir, a direct vote may be taken upon this bill; and, if we are entitled to what we ask, that we may obtain it. If gentlemen think we are not so entitled to the lands which we claim, they must reject the bill. My State has too much pride to present herself in the character of a beggar. She comes in a different character. She says she has a well-founded claim upon the Government, and that claim she wishes you to decide upon. A prompt decision is at least due to her. That the State, in appropriating these lands, if granted to her, will secure the occupants in their little possessions, Mr. P. said there could be no doubt; by the amendment offered that morning by himself, and adopted by the House, she was required to do so. What more did his colleague want? Why embarrass the subject with a distinct proposition, at war with the policy of the State, and which, if adopted, will fail to secure to the occupants themselves the benefits which he desired? He yielded to none, not even to his colleague, in the friendship which he felt to the few persons who are settled on the public lands. He was sure, if his colleague saw the true interest of the people he represents, he would abandon the proposition which he has offered, act in harmony with the balance of the delegation, not embarrass them, and aid in the passage of the original bill. The occupants would then be provided for; the instructions of the State would be strictly obeyed; the relinquishment of the lands on the part of the United States be obtained; and they should all have done their duty to the State Legislature, to their constituents, and to themselves. Mr. LEA, adverting to the importance of the subject, and the manner in which it had been complicated by the amendments, and apprehending that some might inadvertently give a vote which they would afterwards regret, with a view to give time for further consideration, moved an adjournment, which motion prevailed. THURSDAY, JANUARY 6, 1829. DRAWBACK ON REFINED SUGAR. Mr. CAMBRELENG, from the Committee on Commerce, to which was referred the amendment of the Senate to the bill allowing an additional drawback on sugar refined in the United States, and exported therefrom, reported the same. The amendment was then read, and concurred in by the House. SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Mr. MINER moved the following preamble and resolutions: Whereas the constitution has given to Congress, within the District of Columbia, the power of "exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever;" And whereas it is alleged that the laws in respect to slavery in the District of Columbia have been almost entirely neglected; From which neglect, for nearly thirty years, it is alleged there have grown numerous and gross corruptions; That slave-dealers, gaining confidence from impunity, have made the Seat of the Federal Government their headquarters for carrying on the domestic slave-trade; That the public prisons have been extensively used (perverted from the purposes for which they were erected) for carrying on the domestic slave-trade; That officers of the Federal Government have been employed, and derived emolument from carrying on the domestic slave-trade; That private and secret prisons exist in the District for carrying on this traffic in human beings; [H. OF R. That the trade is not confined to those who are slaves for life, but persons having a limited time to serve, are brought, by the slave-dealers, and sent where redress is hopeless; That others are kidnapped and carried away before they can be rescued; That instances of death, from anguish and despair, exhibited in the District, mark the cruelty of this traffic; That instances of maiming and suicide, executed or attempted, have been exhibited, growing out of this traffic within the District; That free persons of color, coming into this District, are liable to arrest, imprisonment, and sale into slavery for life, for gaol fees, if unable, from ignorance, misfortune, or fraud, to prove their freedom; That advertisements beginning "We will give cash for one hundred likely young negroes, of both sexes, from eight to twenty-five years old," contained in the public prints of the city, under the notice of Congress, indicate the openness and extent of the traffic; That scenes of human beings exposed at public vendue are exhibited here, permitted by the laws of the General Government--a woman having been advertised "to be sold at Lloyd's Tavern, near the Centre Market House," during the month of December: And whereas a Grand Jury of the District has presented the slave-trade as a grievance ; A writer in a public print in the District has set forth, "that, to those who never have seen a spectacle of the kind, (exhibited by the slave trade) no description can give an adequate idea of its horrors;" To such extent had this been carried in 1816, that a member of Congress from Virginia introduced a resolution in the House, "That a committee be appointed to examine into the existence of an inhuman and illegal traffic in slaves, carried on in and through the District of Columbia, and report whether any, and what, measures are necessary for putting a stop to the same;" The House of Representatives of Pennsylvania, at their last session, by an almost unanimous vote, expressed the opinion, that slavery, within the District of Columbia, ought to be abolished; Numerous petitions from various parts of the Union have been presented to Congress, praying for the revision of the laws in respect to slavery, and the gradual abolition of slavery within the District of Columbia; A petition was presented at the last session of Congress, signed by more than one thousand inhabitants of the District, praying for a gradual abolition of slavery therein; And whereas the ten miles square, confided to the exclusive legislation of Congress, ought, for the honor of Republican Government, and interests of the District, to exhibit a specimen of pure and just laws; Be it Resolved, That the committee for the District of Columbia be instructed to take into consideration the laws within the District, in respect to slavery; that they inquire into the truth of the foregoing allegations, and report the facts connected therewith, and that they also inquire into the slave-trade as it exists in, and is carried on through, the District: and that they report to the House such amendments to the existing laws as shall seem to them to be just. Resolved, That the committee be farther instructed to inquire into the expediency of providing by law for the gradual abolition of slavery within the District, in such manner that the interests of no individual shall be injured thereby. Mr. WEEMS, of Maryland, moved the question of consideration: on which question Mr. MINER demanded the yeas and nays, and they were ordered by the House. So the question being, Will the House now consider the resolutions? it was decided as follows: yeas, 104; nays, 70. H. OF R.] Land Claims in Tennessee.-Occupancy of the Oregon River. So the House agreed to consider the resolutions. Mr. WICKLIFFE then moved that the preamble to the resolutions be stricken out. He had no objection that the proposed inquiry be submitted to the Committee on the District. He was no advocate for the trade to which it alluded: but the preamble of the resolution assumed as true, certain facts of which he knew nothing, and of which he believed the House in general knew as little as he did. Mr. CULPEPER hoped the motion of Mr. WICKLIFFE would prevail. He had voted for the consideration of the resolutions; but he was not in favor of the preamble. The gentleman might know something of the facts stated, but for himself, being entirely ignorant of them, he could not vote for a preamble which pledged the House for their correctness. Mr. WEEMS hoped the gentleman would consent to the omission of the preamble. It was entirely on account of that, that he had moved for the question of consideration for his own part, he did not believe one word of what it contained. Mr. MINER now commenced a course of statements in support of the resolutions and preamble, which were interrupted by the expiration of the hour allotted to reports and resolutions. LAND CLAIMS IN TENNESSEE. The bill amending the act to enable the State of Tennessee to issue grants and perfect titles, &c., came up as the unfinished business of yesterday: when Mr. LEA, who was entitled to the floor, rose, and said that, instead of progressing with the discussion of this subject to-day, as was expected, he felt constrained to ask the indulgence of the House in adopting a different course. Influenced by considerations of a character too delicate for public disclosure here, yet sufficiently intelligible to all-considerations affecting peculiarly the sensibilities of the whole Tennessee delegation, who are particularly interested in the pending discussion-he moved, without farther explanation, a postponement of this subject until Monday. This motion being agreed to, the farther consideration of that bill was postponed until Monday. OCCUPANCY OF THE OREGON RIVER. On motion of Mr. FLOYD, the House again went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and took up the bill for the occupation of the Oregon-the following amendment, which had been proposed by Mr. DRAYTON, being under consideration: Strike out all after the enacting words, except the last section, and, in lieu thereof, insert: "That the President of the United States be hereby authorized to erect a fort, or forts, in that part of the Northwest Coast of America which is situated west of the eastern base of the Stony Mountains, between fortytwo and fifty-four degrees and forty minutes of north latitude, and to garrison them with a competent number of the United States' troops, not exceeding four hundred. "SEC. 2. And be it further enacted, That the President be, and he is hereby, authorized to cause the aforesaid territory to be explored by such officers of the corps of engineers as he shall select, and that he may delay sending thereto any of the troops of the United States until after such exploration shall have been made." Mr. TAYLOR had moved to amend the said amendment, by striking out all after" President of the United States," in the first section, and substituting the following: "Cause an exploring expedition to be organized and executed, to consist of not more than eighty persons, including a corps of geographers and topographers, for the purpose of collecting information in regard to the climate, soil, natural productions, civil and political condition, har [JAN. 6, 1829. bors, and inhabitants, of the territory of the United States west of the Rocky Mountains." Mr. DRAYTON said he differed essentially from the gentleman from New York [Mr. TAYLOR] in the amendment which he has proposed. From the variety of subjects which it embraces, the execution of them would occasion great delay. Were it otherwise, it would be premature to endeavor to accomplish them, because the title to the country being in dispute, we might perform our labors and expend the public money for the benefit of others. Such extensive inquiries into the climate, the soil, the waters, the civil, political, and natural condition of the inhabitants, and the animal, mineral, and vegetable productions of 64,000 square miles, would be attended with no ordinary fatigue, and would demand no ordinary stock of science. Our party traversing the whole of the region would create jealousy and apprehension among the aborigines and the British settlers, and would, consequently, be exposed to considerable danger. Were it desirable to effect what the amendment recommends, before the title should be found to be in us, it would be undertaken with more facility, and with a better prospect of success, after the United States had established a military garrison in the territory, affording security to our citizens by its physical force and its moral influence. Supposing all that is designed by the amendment to be accomplished, doubtless the information acquired would amuse and instruct the naturalist, the statist, the geographer, and the historian. But for these purposes, would Congress, in a disputed territory, at the distance of 4,700 miles, appropriate a large sum, or any sum of money? Would it be wise to apply our funds to obtain a knowledge of the geographical, political, and natural history of a barbarous country, not under our dominion, and which never may be, when our own coast has not been surveyed, and when the mineral and vegetable treasures of our undisputed soil, within the limits of the Union, remain unexplored? It seems to be admitted by all, whatever diversity of sentiment may prevail as to the details of the bill, that its primary and most interesting feature is the protection which it provides for our citizens. After our corps, as directed in the amendment, shall have explored the air, the water, the earth, and penetrated into the bowels of the earth; after they shall have enriched science with the fruits of their various discoveries; after they shall have diligently, faithfully, and learnedly effected every thing for which they were despatched, still they would have left untouched the main object of the bill; for, amidst the specifications of their duties, no authority is given to them to survey the country as military engineers, to ascertain the most commanding positions to be garrisoned by our troops, for the security of the persons and the property of our citizens. What I have suggested may, at an inconsiderable expense, and with no extraordinary difficulty, be accomplished. An engineer with a good eye by nature, which has been improved by habit, can, with a rapid glance, take in an extensive surface with sufficient accuracy to enable him to distinguish those sites which are best adapted for military posts. This duty, divided among those to be employed, would soon be executed. Were our engineers sent up the Oregon in a national vessel, the voyage could be performed in four or five months, and the exploration could be commenced by them with little loss of time. Immediately upon their return, the troops, with their necessary provisions and munitions of war, might be forwarded, so that our countrymen, after a tedious interval, under the protection of the national arm, might engage in their lucrative pursuits. This object we know can be obtained. In making this assertion, I rest upon experience. So long as a single fortified post, controlled by the resources and the energy of one person, existed upon the banks of the JAN. 6, 1829.] Occupancy of the Oregon River. [H. of R. Oregon, American commerce was carried on safely and Government despatched the Ontario to take possession of prosperously. When that fortress was conveyed to the it. In 1818, Lord Castlereagh complained of this to Mr. agents of a British chartered company, the safety and Rush-not that he disputed our right-but that notice had prosperity which had attended the American traders was not been given to the British Government, who would transferred to those of Great Britain. Restore our citi- have given orders for its restoration, without which collizens to the condition in which they were, and they will sions might arise. He had, to prevent such disputes, recontend, upon an equality, if not advantageously, with quested Earl Bathurst and the commissioners of the Adtheir commercial rivals. Amidst the general pecuniary miralty to give orders to restore Fort Astoria, according depression so loudly complained of, we ought to felicitate to the Treaty of Ghent; his Lordship, at the same time, ourselves in our ability to give a new spring to our agri- intimating that Great Britain had a claim to that country; culture, commerce, and navigation. However members but admitting, in the most ample extent, our right to of this committee may differ in their theories of political be re-instated, and to be the party in possession, while economy, it will be controverted by no one, that the power treating of the title." The Blossom was accordingly deof the Government is never more wisely exercised, than spatched from Lima, with the agents of the two Governwhen, without taxation or the oppression of any class, it ments and Fort Astoria (called by the Northwest Comprotects the legitimate efforts of honest industry and unfet-pany Fort George) was formally restored to the United tered enterprise. States. Mr. CAMBRELENG said that, before the Committee decided upon either of the propositions, it was important to have all the information that could be obtained. From a long and intimate acquaintance with the gentleman so frequently referred to, [Mr. Astor] he had been made acquainted with many facts connected with the commercial and political history of the country beyond the Rocky Mountains. He was decidedly opposed to all plans of colonizing, to all grants of land, or the establishment of a territorial government He was, however, of opinion, that though it was a perplexing question, it was absolutely necessary that something should be done, and that promptly. The plan of sending out a topographical and geographical corps was not the measure required by the nature of the case, or demanded at this crisis. Although not concurring entirely with the amendment offered by the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. DRAYTON] he was substantially in favor of it. He thought a military post best designed to secure the objects we had now in view, which were to protect our Indian traders; gradually, through their agency, to regain possession of that, country by pacific means, and to prevent disputes between the traders in that region, which might lead to war with Great Britain. We have, [said Mr. C.] acquired a title to that country, by the acquisition of Louisiana and Florida: our claim, at least to the boundary established by the Treaty of Utrecht, the 49th degree, he thought could not be questioned, and that was far north of the mouth of the Columbia River. Antecedent to the war, we held undisturbed and undisputed possession of that country. In 1810, one of our citizens, a merchant of enlarged mind and daring enterprise, projected a settlement on the Columbia. He sent the Tonquin, of 20 guns, with apprentices, mechanics, traders, &c.: and, at the same time, despatched an expedition overland. Both arrived in safety, and founded Fort Astoria. The company commenced, and continued to enlarge its trade with the Indians; posts were established almost to the mountains, and a line was contemplated entirely across the continent. Mr. A. had engaged to furnish four hundred thousand dollars, and had made considerable progress in this bold, and, as it would have been, profitable enterprise, when the war of 1812 broke out. The Northwest Company, his great rival in the fur trade, as it was supposed, intimated to the British Government the propriety of sending out a vessel of war to capture Fort Astoria. They at the same time sent an agent overland to alarm the agent of Mr. Astor, and to induce him to dispose of the settlement and the furs collected. Unfortunately, the principal agent was absent, and the sub-agent sold an establishment, which was then worth two hundred thousand dollars, to the Northwest Company, for about forty thousand dollars. Thus was Mr. Astor, by an artifice, defeated in one of the greatest enterprises ever undertaken by any one individual. Our commissioners at Ghent were apprehensive of the fate of Fort Astoria, and expressly provided for the restoration of "all territories, places, or possessions." In 1817, our VOL. V.-22 As new pretentions are growing up, he would read this important document to the Committee, viz : "ACT OF SURRENDER AND ACKNOWLEDGMENT. In obedience to the commands of His Royal Highness the Prince Regent, signed in a despatch from the Right Honorable Earl Bathurst, addressed to the partners or agents of the Northwest Company, bearing date the 27th January, 1818, and in obedience to subsequent orders, dated the 26th July last, from Wm. A. Sheriff, Esq., Captain of his Majesty's ship Andromache, we, the undersigned, do, in conformity to the first articles of the Treaty of Ghent, restore to the Government of the United States, through its agent, J. B. Prevost, Esquire, the settlement of Fort George, on the River Columbia. "Given under our hands, in triplicate, at Fort George, Columbia River, this 6th of October, 1818. "F. HICKY, behalf of the Government of the United States, the posses- Columbia River, this 6th of October, 1818. "J. B. PREVOST, "Agent for the United States.' Our agent, in announcing this surrender, says, that the flag of Great Britain was lowered, and that of the United States hoisted on Fort George," where it now waves in token both of possession and of sovereignty." He also adds, that the Northwest Company "will continue to occupy and protect it, under our flag, until it shall please the President to give orders for their removal." Under what pretext then can Great Britain dispute our right to the possession of that country? In the same month, [continued Mr. C.] in a distant part of the world, a commercial treaty was negotiated between the United States and Great Britain. The British commissioners, appreciating the value of this trade, the advantages of the harbor at the mouth of the Columbia, and wisely foreseeing that this mixed question of boundary, Indian trade, and territorial dominion, would become one of magnitude between the two countries, urged it upon our commissioners. The latter seemed to view it with comparative indifference. Considering it unimportant, they admitted the third article in the treaty of 1818, leaving the boundaries, rights, and claims, of the two countries as they were, and merely agreeing to a reciprocity in the Indian trade. This was an unfortunate concession to Great Britain; it was only a nominal reciprocity, and has operated as an actual surrender of that whole country to her traders. And however small this concession may have been, in the estimation of our commissioners, it may turn out hereafter to be large enough for the foundation of a future war with Great Britain. The Northwest Company ought to have been allowed sufficient time to close its concerns. A joint trade should never have been permitted with the Indians. The Company were then in possession of the trade-whoever has that, must have the Indians; and whoever has them, will have the country. Under that provision, they have spread their trade into the interior. The two companies were united in 1821, and the Hudson's Bay Company was chartered for twenty years. Under the advantages of transferring their affairs from Hudson's Bay to Columbia River, the shares of that company have risen from sixty to two hundred and forty pounds sterling. Their returns have been annually increasing at the rate of from sixty to one hundred thousand dollars in each year, and the entire returns for the year 1828, estimated by one familiar with the value of furs, is about eight hundred and ninety-five thousand dollars. Under the operation of this unfortunate concession, another East India Company is growing upon our frontiers, spreading through a country to which our right of possession, at least, is undisputed, and reaching not only through our dominions, but extending from the polar regions to California. [JAN. 6, 1829. stance the same policy that we should were we about to send a frigate to the Mediterranean or the Pacific for the protection of our commerce. But to take a case more analogous: Did we colonize the Council Bluffs or the Yellow Stone, when we pushed our military posts into the wilderness, far beyond the boundary of any territorial government? We contemplate no colonial or territorial government; and as to the question whether that vast wilderness shall or shall not, in some remote generation, be embraced within the circle of our Union, we shall act wisely if we take precautionary measures to guard against dangers near at hand, and leave that great question to be adjusted by posterity, to whom alone it can be interesting All that we now require is a military post, to enable our own citizens to pursue a lawful trade, within our acknowledged dominions; which post can be supplied with economy, through the medium of one of our vessels of war annually sent to the Pacific. Our Some gentlemen, no doubt, think it would be most wise to abandon the trade and the country to the Hudson Bay Company. Waving the sacrifice of national rights and honor, can such a course avert the calamities which must grow out of the collisions between our traders and those of Great Britain? Our enterprising countrymen are pushing their expeditions beyond the mountains, and have already encountered the traders of the Hudson Bay Company--a company whose annual returns amount to a million of dollars; whose trade, profits, and power, are annually accumulating, and whose interest it is to cut of all who attempt to divide the trade with them. Nothing has ever been heard of a part of General Ashley's expedition from Missouri. In another year an entire expedition will be cut off. But nothing can intimidate the American trader; he will push his enterprise throughout our dominions, regardless of consequences. Out of these expeditions collisions and Indian wars must ensue. citizens have not only to encounter the British traders; to fall a sacrifice to their secret plans; but they are destined to be the victims of an enemy sly, treacherous, and barbarous. We know something, sir, of the character of these Indians. The Tonquin referred to, after touching at Columbia, and landing the men and supplies for Astoria, proceeded to trade along the coast. She was commanded by an officer of our navy--one of the gallant crew of the Intrepid, in the glorious affair of Tripoli. Fearless and unsuspecting, he suffered some hundreds of the natives to come on board his ship; they treacherously rose upon the crew--the rest is conjecture. It was supposed that her gallant commander, seeing that the fate of his crew was inevitable, determined to inflict a dreadful vengeance on his savage enemies, by firing the magazine; for the ship, crew, savages, and all, were blown to atoms. This act of signal vengeance will long be remembered by the natives on that coast, and has doubtless saved many of his countrymen from similar attacks. Such are the instruments we are to leave, by abandoning this country, in the hands of the Hudson Bay Company, for the destruction of our traders. We know what atrocities avarice can perpe Thus have we been actually dispossessed of the country beyond the Rocky Mountains. In what way can we regain it, without violating our obligations, and disturbing the harmony between the two countries? We must either discontinue our treaty according to its contingent provision, and take measures for removing the Hudson's Bay Company, or establish Government trading houses on Mr. Jefferson's plan, or adopt the measure proposed by the gentleman from South Carolina. The first would be unfriendly and expensive, and could be only gradually effected. We know, by experience, that the second would be more expensive than the last. There seems to be no practicable alternative but the establishment of a military post for the protection of your traders. Establish that, and they will fearlessly push their expeditions to the mouth of the Columbia. A depot would soon be formed there, under the protection of your post; an annual ship would visit that settlement to take out supplies, and carry the furs and peltries to Canton. Your traders would gradually exclude those of the Hudson Bay Company, for no nation can contend with us in equal competition; and you would, in time, peaceably regain the possession of that country. Our treaty can be in no manner violated by the establishment of such a post. That region is now free and open to the traders of both nations; but that is all we have conceded. We have given Great Britain no right to establish forts, and place garrisons in that country; nor have we surrendered to her our right to establish military posts in any region to which she admits our right to be the "party in possession while treating of the title." She may claim that country; so may Russia, France, Spain; but would either of them dispute our right to be the party in possession, and our sovereign right to fortify our possessions? Our purpose in establishing a military post is in strict accordance with the object of our treaty-trate; we have not forgotten the bloody wars of the the only object" of that provision being, as it declares, "to prevent disputes and differences between the high contracting parties." These have already begun; some of our traders have been cut off, where, or by whom, is unknown, but it is not difficult to conjecture by whose agen cy. Plant your military post in the neighbourhood of Fort George, you will hear no more of our traders being cut off in the interior; you will protect the traders of both countries, and prevent collisions between them. Great Britain certainly cannot object to a measure of precaution and humanity, while we do not go beyond that region to which she has solemnly conceded our right of possession. Some object to this measure because they wish no colonies. None are contemplated. We pursue, in this in North, between the Hudson Bay and Northwest Companies--companies chartered by the same Government; between natives of the same country! No wars can be more ferocious and terrible than those which are instigated by avarice, and executed by savages. If natives of the same country could butcher each other in a contest for the fur trade, we may anticipate what may be the fate of our enterprising countrymen. Yes, sir, while the gentleman from Missouri is laboring to draw the Indian trade over the almost impassable mountains he has described, to swell the "fructifying stream" of commerce down the Missouri, the blood of his own constituents may be crimsoning the waters of the Columbia! The cries of revenge will first come from the West; the spirit of the country JAN. 6, 1829.] tains. Occupancy of the Oregon River. will be roused; the war with the Hudson Bay Company's savage army will be extended, and the two countries will inevitably join in the contest. But, sir, it is in vain to talk of surrendering the country beyond the Rocky MounThe gentleman from Missouri asks if we will fight for it?" Yes, sir, if it was as frightful in every feature as that gentleman has described it; if it was barren as the Arabian sands; nay, sir, if it was bleak and desolate as an iceberg, the American People would never yield it; they would never allow themselves to be dispossessed o it by the Hudson Bay Company; they would never surrender it to Great Britain. They ought not. A people who would be governed by such a policy-who would not go to war in defence of the national dominion and honorshould withdraw from the society of nations. Mr. C said in conclusion, that, however, embarrassing this question might be, it ought not to be longer postponed. Something must be done. He thought the establishment of a military post on the Columbia the least exceptionable, and most economical and pacific measure. It was one of which Great Britain would have no right to complain; for it was in strict conformity to the Ghent treaty, the act of surrender, and with the reciprocal commercial provision now existing. It was, as he thought, the only means now left to us to regain gradually the possession of a country we have lost; to protect the lives of our traders within our acknowledged dominions; to remove one of the causes of a war with Great Britain, and to re-establish our national rights. Mr. FLOYD took the same general ground with Mr. CAMBRELENG, and further explained his sentiments as to the value of the fur trade, and the importance of the Oregon River to our trade in the Pacific. Mr. EVERETT observed, that he would not at this stage of the discussion, and at so late on hour, obtrude himself very long on the patience of the House. But he should deem it an unfortunate result of this debate, if an impression should be produced by it, and go abroad among the people of the United States, that the territory in question was of little consideration, in the judgment of the House. If, in consequence of misinformation, or want of information, such a resuit should be produced, the question on the territory would stand worse than if it had never been agitated. It was for this reason that he was induced to trouble the Committee for a few moments. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. FLOYD] had yesterday put into his hands a work, which he had never before seen, written by an individual who certainly possessed ample means of information, and who, like the correspondent of the gentleman from Missouri, [Mr. BATES] was one of the first company sent out by Mr. Astor to the mouth of the Columbia. The work in question appeared to be substantially the journal kept by him from the time of his sailing from New York, in September, 1810, till his return home, after the dissolution of Mr. Astor's establishment. The work is the production of a Canadian Frenchman, and though without pretensions to literary merit, is probably the amplest account which has been published of Mr. Astor's establishment, and furnishes considerable information with respect to the country on the Columbia River. It was not Mr. E' sdesign to go over the ground in detail, but, in casting his eye through the volume, he had noticed a few statements which he thought would be acceptable to the Committee. One of the most important considerations, in regard to this region, is that which concerns the harbor at the mouth of the Columbia River, and the entrance into it. Our navigation and whale fishery, on the Pacific ocean, are vastly important to the country; and, as he had stated, on a former occasion, unless we have a retreat into the * Relation d'un Voyage a la cote du Nord West de l'Amerique Sep tentrional, dans les Annees 1810, 1811, 1812, 13, et 14, par G. Franchere, fils, Montreal, 1820. H. OF R. Columbia River, or the other harbors in this territory, there is not, on all the coast of the Pacific, a port to which we could have recourse in time of war. The property, which, in the event of a war, would, on the Pacific Ocean, be at the mercy of the strongest naval Power, would exceed by ten times the expense of fortifying the mouth of the Columbia River. Now, it had been represented, in this debate, that the harbor within the mouth of the Columbia River was nearly inaccessible, and that, particularly in the six winter months, it was, in consequence of the monsoons, entirely so. Mr. E. believed this to be quite an erroneous statement. The entrance to the harbor was undoubtedly one of considerable difficulty, which arose from the heavy surf on the bar, and this difficulty was of course greater in some states of the wind than in others. But he was, he believed, warranted in saying, that the winds were variable in this region; and that the Columbia River might be entered at all seasons of the year. So far from being inaccessible in winter, the vessel which carried out Mr. Astor's first company, the unfortunate ship Tonquin, (of whose fate a very interesting account is contained in the work just mentioned) entered the mouth of Columbia, with considerable difficulty it must be admitted, on the 25th March; Capt. Gray, in the Columbia, entered it, I believe, on the 11th or 12th of May; the Beaver arrived on the 9th May, 1811; the Albatros on the 4th August, 1812; the Racoon, a British ship of war of twentysix guns, on the 30th of November; the Pedlar, on the 28th of February. There does not appear any thing extraordinary or peculiar in the cases of the foregoing vessels, which seems accordingly to show that the river is accessible at all seasons of the year. It is to be borne in mind that there is as yet nothing, or next to nothing, to facilitate the entrance. The mouth of the Columbia has not yet found its way into our coast pilots. Valuable soundings have been made; but even these, not to the extent to which they are generally made in the waters of countries long settled. There are no light houses, no buoys, no landmarks well ascertained, and no pilots. A strange vessel approaching almost any harbor, that of Boston, for instance, with imperfect charts, without a description of the channel, and without a pilot, might carry away the impression, that it was a very difficult harbor to make. What would the navigation of the Mersey, and the entrance to the port of Liverpool (the greatest centre of navigation) be, without any of the facilities alluded to? On this subject, I cannot but refer the Committee to the statements made, and the authorities collected, by Mr. Baylies, of Massachusetts, in his report from a Select Committee on this subject, at the commencement of the first session of the nineteenth Congress. Whatever the difficulty might be, it was well remarked by Mr. Baylies, that it would turn to the advantage of the United States. Possessing the superiority of the local knowledge of the harbor, our small trading ships would find in it a secure retreat from foreign vessels of war, less acquainted with the entrance and less able to cross the bar. It will also be recollected, that all the objections made apply to the mouth of the Columbia River, and that Port Discovery, a degree or two farther to the north, and equally within our rightful limits, is universally admitted to be one of the best ports in the world. And even the mouth of the Columbia River, with all the difficulties and hazards of its entrance, is the regular inlet of the supplies, and outlet of the peltries of the region drained by the Columbia and its northern branches. The trade is as regular as any in the world. Neither is the climate as ungenial and dreary as it has been represented, or as gentlemen might infer from the high northern latitude. There is, on the contrary, no doubt that it is from six to ten degrees milder than the climate of the same parallel of latitude on the eastern coast of the continent. It is a fact, almost too familiar to be repeated, that, other things being equal, such |
