tice to say that, however he may have been in error in carrying his principles into practice, he advanced many which were undoubtedly sound and wise, and he seemed to me ever to have been governed by fixed and well-considered principles. He did not appear to adopt a creed merely because it might captivate the popular prejudices; and I do not think that he would have pursued one to extremity if he saw that it would lead to ruin, though it might be "clapped by the crowd." Certain it was that he was Gen. Jackson's favorite Secretary, and he was very far from advancing these alarming appeals to "the poor," to war upon a system which is the best protection of men without capital. To see a poor man assisting to destroy the credit system is at once to remind one of Hogarth's picture of a mob, in which a misguided and frantic wretch is sawing himself down from the top of a high sign-post! Sir, there are two kinds of democracy as to equality among men. The one tends to degrade all men to an equality upon the lowest scale; the other tends to exalt them to an equality upon the highest scale of human excellence. The former strives to pull down all excellencies in systems or in men, and forbids all perfection in either. This is the "Agrarian," which would reduce us to the level of brutes, and which, under the pretence of holding back those who strive to improve their own condition and the moral condition of mankind, to prevent improvement from making differences among men, would, in fact, make industry work for indolence, the vigilant keep guard for the sluggard, give the fruits of enterprise to those who toil not and do not spin, and divide the rewards of wisdom and virtue with ignorance and vice! This kind of democracy is the rankest despotism. It is as unjust and oppressive as it is impracticable and impossible. Sir, no Government can repress the energies of mind and of moral power. This low, levelling democracy may declare a division of property among men to-morrow; will it be an equal division the next day? No, sir, some will excel others in character, in moral power, in sagacity, in energy, in wisdom and virtue and success; start them even as often as you may, with the profligate, the slothful, the ignorant, the inactive, the careless, the vicious, or the unfortunate, and still "onward," "onward" in advance, will be their course, and all justice yields them the precedence and superiority! Government might as well undertake to "fetter flame with flaxen band, or stop the ocean with the sand," as to put limits by law to the degrees in which one man may, in social life, excel another. The political justice which entitles every man to all the advantages which he can fairly acquire by his merits and the exertion of his moral, physical, and intellectual faculties, is sustained by that other and genuine democracy only which tends to advance and promote human improvement, and to encourage that free emulation and competition which exalt men to an equality on the highest scale of moral, physical, and intellectual excellence! True democracy ever exalts man. It diminishes the power of Government, but it enlarges the moral and social power, and increases the political privileges of men. It makes man free to pursue his happiness, and allows neither king "one," or king "many," to hinder or molest him; it prevents Government from checking the exertion of his powers to acquire all the good he may, without injury to his neighbor; it prompts each one to aspire and to strive for every excellence and for the prize of success; it cheers each one in the pursuit, and crowns each one in the attainment of the ends of a virtuous ambition; it tells all men not to stop, to reach forward farther and farther, higher and higher, towards the standard of perfection; and it strikes down the hand which would arrest the march of freedom! It declares in this land that all, all may strive equally for power and place, for honor and office, for distinction or wealth; and thence is derived the hallowed truth that the sovereignty is in the people—each [H. OF R. is a sovereign in himself-a king to compete with his fellow for equality in acquiring the greatest good, and to make man the fellow of man on the highest elevation! The credit system, sir, supports and is supported by this latter creed of genuine democracy. The credit system is the most potent auxiliary of true republicanism. From it have sprung the inventions of the age; the improvements in mechanic arts and powers which have reformed the world. Whence came the steam engine? From the genius of Fulton. Who was Fulton? A penny less inventor without capital! What would his genius have done without credit? It would have sickened and died in neglect and despair ere it had wrung from the avaricious gripe of a private capitalist the cash-the specie, in time to strike cut that giant champion of science, and arts, and civilization, and peace on earth and good-will to man!" How many of the virtuous and enterprising poor could individual capitalists patronize if they would; and how many do they patronize of those they could? A bank has no soul, it is true, but it dispenses infinitely more real charity than that sordid, hoarding, grasping, selfish tyrant you call a capitalist-a Jew! Let the "poor mau" choose between them-a credit system, organized by laws which he may partake in making, and which make the credit free for every poor man" of character; or, that system which leaves the Jews, the Shylocks, called "private capitalists," alone to make the law of trade-a system which patronizes only the per cent.," and knows no law but that of the "uuri sacra fames!" The free system of credit is in danger of being destroyed by despotic powerlocofocoism, as mobism ever does, is aiding despotism; and it is left to the virtue and intelligence of "the poor man" to decide which side of the contest he will takewhether with those without capital, and who want credit, against the power of money capital, or with the rich against the poor? The rich now say that the poor are not entitled to credit to enable them to compete with cash for power, and wealth, and honor, and office! The banking and credit system destroyed, what is proposed as a substitute? A Government Shylock-a political Jew! No, sir, I will not denounce it before I have examined it. What is it? As yet, sir, we know not what it is; we are left to imagine the worst. If it could be well defined, I would inquire whether it is not liable to the very same objections which have been urged with so much false clamor against the Bank of the United States. Of this one fact, sir, I am morally certain-that the present propositions and the views of their advocates in both Houses of Congress, as well as those of the Executive, all tend to the final establishment of a Treasury bank. are asked to permit the collectors and receivers of the public money to keep it in their custody, to make them its depositaries, to collect nothing but specie in payment of the public dues, and we are told openly from one quarter [Mr. CALHOUN in the Senate] that there must be a permanent issue of Government paper for currency. Wo Now, sir, I ask, when you have organized and systematized this plan by law, if it is not a creature-call it by what name you please-which is no more known to the constitution than a bank corporation? Will this, in fact, not be a corporation by law? I do not pretend to say that, when formed and examined, it will be found to be unconstitutional, but I warn gentlemen who say that a bank of the United States is unconstitutional, to look well to what they create as a substitute for it; to see whether their substitute is not lible to the same constitutional objections, by their own mode of construction. Are we to be told that the General Government clearly has the power to organize a Treasury Department? Where, whence is such a power derived! Precisely froin the same source and by the same deductions that the power to create a national 'bank is derived-the necessity to execute granted powers, H. OF R.] Sub-Treasury Bill. and the propriety of the means to the end. But the constitutional question aside, the question of expediency stili remains; would this plan "accomplish the beneficial purpose promised by its advocates?" And "would it not impair the rightful supremacy of the popular will, injure the character and diminish the influence of our political system, and bring into existence a concentrated money power hostile to the spirit, and threatening the permanency of our republican institutions?" Could this system furnish a currency? No one will contend that it could furnish a circulating medium of specie. There is not enough of the precious metals in the world to admit of a circulating medium of specie alone, and it would be an impracticable medium if there was. It never did, and never can, answer any other purpose than that of a basis for currency and of change in small transactions of trade. It can never be the substitute of bills of exchange. It cannot be had for the currency, if it is to be demanded for the public dues. Hence the necessity of a permanent Government issue of paper. Will that become the currency of the country? It depends upon whether it is to be convertible. If convertible into specie, it will never circulate, for the reason that the public debtors will always return it upon the Government to call for the specie to pay the Governinent. If inconvertible, or Government issues, as the banks do, more paper than it can redeem, the paper will depreciate, or the Government will, at times, be compelled to suspend specie payments precisely as the banksthe Government will become a greater nuisance to the people, and more base and perfidious to them, than the local banks have ever become to the Government. Besides, if the Government issues permanently this paper, it must receive it in payment of the public dues. If it receives it in payment of the public dues, where is the Government's specie to come from to redeem the excess of its paper which may be issued over and above the amount which may be required to meet the demand for paper wherewith to pay the public dues? Whether such paper will depreciate will depend upon the amount Government issues: if it exceeds the demand for paying public dues, the paper must depreciate, as did our old continental money. If it does not exceed that demand, what is to become of the great interests of trade-whence the supply of a currency, exchange, and a safe, sound, and uniform circulating medium? If Government is not to concern itself about supplying a currency, why not pay specie alone, if it is to receive specic alone? But, sir, it is not in the mind of its advocates to make this plan supply a currency. insure the Government interests alone, and to leave the people to take care of themselves. No, not to leave the country to shift for itself-it must destroy the country by destroying its currency. The Government will operate as a great sponge to absorb the specie from the banks, and from its proper places of deposite as a basis of circulating medium. This sub-Treasury system must inevitably depreciate the local bank notes, and the people's securities of trade; it must leave them to deal in shin-plasters forever, whilst it deals in bard money. It makes the servant greater than the master, it separates the Government from the people, whilst it is as much their concern as are private affairs; and it makes the interests of the Government conflict with those of the people. It demands of the people specie for Government, while the Government dries up every source whence specie can be be drawn. It establishes one currency, the metallic, for the servants, and another, the basest depreciated paper, for the masters. But the money view of this scheme is nothing compared with its political bearings. Has the gentleman from South Carolina [Mr. PICKENS] examined the effect of this amendment to collect the Government dues in specie, upon "the great landed interests of the South?" He is sure, he says, that it will make us our own importers. Iinist, sir, on [Oct. 13, 1837. the contrary, that it will raise the premium on specie exorbitantly, and that premium will and must raise the tariff. The importer must purchase the specie to pay the duties to Government, and the amount of the premium must be added to the price of the goods, and the consumers, his constituents and mine, must at last pay the pipers, no matter who imports. But, sir, is this plan "proper?" Is it congenial with the spirit of our institutions? The President says, "It is believed that a considerate and candid investigation of these questions will result in the conviction that the proposed plan is far less liable to objection, on the score of Execu tive patronage and control, than any bank agency that has been, or can be, devised." This is the very essence of consistency. To charter a national bank will be "to concentrate a moneyed power, hostile to the spirit and threatening the permanency of our republican institutions;" but to put the whole of the public money in specie in the hands of a hundred thousand officers of the Government, the Briarian arms of the Executive-the creatures whom the President makes and unmakes at his good will and pleasure-will be a sure way of vindicating the supremacy of the popular will, of preserving the character and influence of our political system, and of diffusing the moneyed power! When, too, it would concentrate about sixteen millions in specie in the hands of a single collector in the city of New York! The bank of the United States might, forsooth, become a dangerous political monster when united with an Executive. This plan is perfectly harmless and innocent, less liable to objection, on the score of "Executive patronage and control," though it would certainly place in the hands of the President the whole concentrated moneyed power of the Government! This, sir, is too unblushing a demand for more patronage and control; this is almost putting on the imperial purple and the crown in the face of all the people! Oh, no; the President meekly says: "If a Chief Magistrate may be allowed to speak for himself on such a point, I can truly say, that to me nothing would be more acceptable than the withdrawal from the Executive, to the greatest practicable extent, of all concern in the custody and disbursement of the public revenue; not that I would shrink from any responsibility cast upon me by the duties of my office, but because it is my firm belief that its capacity for usefulness is in no degree promoted by the possession of any patronage not actually necessary to the performance of those duties. But, under our present form of government, the intervention of the It is to Executive officers in the custody and disbursement of the public money seems to be unavoidable; and before it can be admitted that the influence and power of the Executive would be increased by dispensing with the agency of banks, the nature of that intervention in such an agency must be carefully regarded, and a comparison must be instituted between its extent in the two cases." Yes, sir, if he may be allowed to speak for himself on such a point;" he speaks boldly enough when vouching a wish to be deprived of "all concern in the custody and disbursement of the public revenue"-"not that he would shrink"-oh, no; he boldly argues to show that all concern ought to be given up to him and his minions! What did Mark Antony say of Cæsar? "Thrice did he refuse the kingly crown." Sir, if nothing would be more acceptable to the President than the withdrawal from the Executive of the immense and irresistible and corrupting influence and patronage which the public money, united with his political power, gives him and the creatures of his will, I, for one, am disposed, gladly eager to gratify his patriotic wishes. I devoutly pray that you will indulge such a desire, regain the constitutional powers of Congress to keep and control the public revenue, and that you will rekindle the spirit and protect the permanency of our republican institutions by diminishing Executive patronage by every law ful means in your power. Now is an auspicious period to do much for our liberties, in imminent danger from this threatening cause of alarm to every watchful and faithful patriot. But no. The President, so far from co-operating in this great work of curtailing Executive patronage, asks to be trusted by law with the entire collection, keeping, and disbursement of our revenue; he denounces all banking, petitions for a divorce of the Government from banks, and yet, like Madame Darusmont, is for a union with a Government bank! Heretofore, sir, well it might have been said of him, as locofoco John Milton says, in Paradise Regained, of Satan : "What have been thy answers, what but dark, But now, sir, now the veil is raised-the horrid front is seen-the wicked intent of wedding the money of Government with the political power of the Executive is plainly manifested; and, if the people start not back affrighted and appalled, it will be because "God hath justly given the nation up When Mr. WISE had concluded, The question was taken on the amendment proposed by Mr. Dawsox, as a substitute for the bill; which was rejected, without a count. The committee then, on motion of Mr. CAMBRELENG, rose, and reported the bill to the House, which, on motion of Mr. PATTON, then adjourned, at a quarter past 12 o'clock. SATURDAY, OCTOBER 14. After transacting some other businessMr. CAMBRELENG, on leave, submitted the following resolution: Resolved, That the Clerk of the House and his assistants, the sergeant-at-arms, the principal door-keeper and assistant door-keeper, the postmaster, and the messengers and other attendants on and about the House, be allowed each two months' pay for services during the extra session: and that the police and lamplighter of the Capitol and Capitol square, be allowed one months' pay each. Mr. WHITTLESEY moved to refer the resolution to the Committee of Accounts. Mr. BRIGGS then moved to amend the resolution by embracing the librarian, the assistant librarian, and messenger of the library. After a few remarks by Mr. THOMPSON in favor of the resolution, Mr. WHITTLESEY withdrew the motion, but gave notice that he should introduce a resolution at the next session of Congress, requiring all these matters of extra services to go to committees, so that the House might know what these extra services would amount to before they were voted. Mr. McKAY renewed the motion to refer the subject to the Committee of Accounts. After some remarks by Mr. JOHNSON, of Virginia, and Mr. THOMPSON, Mr. EWING moved to lay the resolution on the table: lost. The amendment was then agreed to; and after some remarks by Messrs. RENCHER and A. H. SHEPPERD in opposition to, and Messrs. BRIGGS, CAMBRELENG, and THOMPSON in favor of, the resolution was adopted. FLORIDA WAR. The House then proceeded to the unfinished business of yesterday morning, which was the consideration of Mr. VOL. XIV.-105 [H. OF R. WISE's resolution on the Florida war: and the question being on Mr. McKAY's motion to postpone the consideration of the resolution to the 1st of December next Mr. UNDERWOOD said that, in the early stages of the debate upon the resolution under consideration, he understood the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. WISE] to say that he had been informed in a manner entitled to credit that General Jesup had entered into an engagement with Hopothlehohola, stipulating to secure and protect that chief in his possessions, provided he would give his aid to the army of the United States, and assist General Jesup in his operations; that the gallant Indian chief, relying upon the assurances of General Jesup, had devoted himself to our service, and that, after success crowned the operations of General Jesup, he turned upon the chief in violation of his engagement, and drove him from his possessions. I was forcibly impressed at the time with the impropriety of the conduct thus imputed to General Jesup. I could not believe that a gallant soldier, who had risen from the humblest ranks to the command of an army, who had on several occasions displayed a combination of talents and bravery which induced the country to confide in him as a fit commander in the South, would so far debase himself as to decoy an Indian chief into his service, by a promise of protection, and, as soon as he had answered his purposes, turn upon his ally in violation of his engagement, and expel him from his home. Such conduct would not only have been disgraceful to General Jesup as a man, but it would tarnish the reputation of the country, regarding him as the representative of the country. Feeling as I did, I asked the gentleman from Virginia whether General Jesup's engagement with Hopothlehohola, and after conduct, had been the result of orders emanating from higher authority, or whether General Jesup alone was responsible? The gentleman's information did not enable him to answer. I deemed it proper to communicate the substance of the statement made by the gentleman from Virginia, to General Jesup. On day before yesterday I received his answer, in which he says: "No such treaty or engagement as that stated to have been made was ever thought of; every engagement made with Hopothlehohola, so far as depended upon me, or so far as I am informed, has been faithfully fulfilled." Thus, sir, a direct contradiction is given by General Jesup to the information communicated to the House. His letter evinces a desire to have the "whole subject of the war in Alabama and Florida investigated." Instead of shrinking from it, he invites it. His language is: "Let persons and papers be sent for; let investigation be pushed to the utmost, I have nothing to fear." In reference to the supposed treaty or engagement with Hopothlehohola, the General indignantly remarks that, had it been made, "no power on earth should have comHe would have surrendered his pelled him to violate it." commission sooner than present himself before the world in the attitude of playing the hypocrite with an Indian chief; and, after securing his confidence and assistance, turning upon him the instruments of destruction. Such sentiments are worthy of an American general; and I trust, sir, they meet with proper sympathy in the bosoms of the members of this House. I have thought it an act of justice to General Jesup to make the preceding statement; and now that I am up, I shall take the occasion to say, that I trust the resolution will be adopted, and that the fullest investigation may be had into all the operations of the Florida war. Mr. WISE vindicated himself from having, in his own person, made the charge at all: he had stated it as it had been stated to him: he rejoiced to hear the language of General Jesup in relation to it: but insisted that this very reply went to show the importance of the investigation he advocated, that justice might be done to the innocent, while the guilty were exposed, H. OF R.] Sub-Treasury Bill. Mr. UNDERWOOD exculpated Mr. WISE from all blame in the matter, and expressed approbation of his course, as an honest discharge of his duty. The hour having expired, the House resumed the consideration of the SUB-TREASURY BILL. The question being on ordering to its third reading the bill from the Senate imposing additional duties, as depositaries, in certain cases, on public officers Mr. WILLIAMS, of Tennessee, moved to lay the bill on the table; but at the request of Mr. CLARK, of New York, withdrew it, for the purpose of affording Mr. C. an opportunity of submitting some remarks. Mr. CLARK then addressed the Chair as follows: Mr. Speaker: I do not rise to discuss the merits of the bill, or to express any opinion in relation to them. I should have preferred that a motion had been made to postpone its further consideration until the first day of the next session. The subject matter of the bill is one on which there is, among the friends of the administration, a difference of opinion, and, I have no doubt, an honest difference. The gentleman from South Carolina, a friend of the administration, in his remarks of yesterday, regretted that he should be called upon at this time for final action on the bill. He preferred to wait until an opportunity should be afforded to him to ascertain the wishes of his constituents. In these views I concur. In voting for the present motion, I shall do so for the same reasons which would influence me to vote for a postponement until the next session, considering the effects the same, neither of which determines the ultimate fate of the bill. The vote I am about to give will furnish no evidence of my opinion as to the merits of the bill, or of my action on the question of its final passage. The sub-Treasury scheme, considered as an administration measure, is novel. In 1835, it was proposed by the whigs in Congress, and received the unanimous and vigorous opposition of the democratic members. Whether it is possible for the opposition to originate a good measure, I will not inquire. They have, however, been unfortunate in presenting at this session any measure, good, bad, or indifferent, always saving and excepting their sovereign remedy, their universal panacea for all our fiscal maladies, the United States Bank. I repeat that this measure, as a democratic one, is new. Public opinion has not been sufficiently enlightened to draw any correct conclusion of its disposition. It has not been, to any considerable extent, the subject of discussion, either in the social circle, or in the primary assemblies of the people. And the same remark is true as regards the newspaper press. I doubt whether five country papers in the State of New York, previous to the session of Congress, had canvassed this project, or given any opinions thereon. The Albany Argus, the leading democratic journal in that State-a journal which possesses great influence over the country press-had not, up to that period, taken ground on this subject. Under these circumstances, it can hardly be expected that resolutions emanating from county conventions could be considered as furnishing that evidence of the popular will as they otherwise would. All the republican conventions have expressed their approbation of the general principles set forth in the message; few of them, however, have given any expression of opinion as regards this specific measure. No one is more ready, on all occasions, to bow with deference to the will of his constituents, when formed upon reflection and deliberation, and fairly and fully expressed, than myself; and it will ever be my pleasure to carry that will into execution. Were I opposed to this bill, (and I repeat that I give no opinion in regard to it,) I would, with alacrity, surrender my own opinion at the feet of my constituents. Sir, there is no presing necessity for the immediate pas. sage of this The Government is now going on receiv [OCT. 14, 1837. ing and disbursing its revenue in the same manner as provided in the bill. Should it now pass, it will produce no change. Since the suspension of specie payments, the Government has met with no difficulty in the management of its fiscal operations, neither can it for six short weeks, at which time the bill can be acted on, under the influence of a well informed and plainly expressed public opinion. It has been my misfortune not to have enjoyed an interchange of sentiment with my constituents, as have most of the gentlemen of this House. Business of a private, but pressing nature, has entirely separated me from them since April last. I wish to obey their will, and for this purpose I should be glad, by a personal interview, to ascertain that will; and when ascertained, I shall not fail to execute it. Mr. C. then, according to the pledge he had given, renewed the motion to lay the bill on the table. Mr. CONNOR moved a call of the House, with a view to give time for members to come in. On this question the yeas and nays were demanded and ordered; and being taken, resulted as follows: Yeas 186, nays 5. So the House resolved that there should be a call. The roll was thereupon called, when 218 members responded to their names. The doors having been closed, and the absentees called over, 222, in all, appeared to be present. Mr. CHAMBERS moved to suspend further proceedings in the call. Mr. CAMBRELENG, with a view to allow still further opportunity for absent members to come in, demanded the yeas and nays on this motion. They were ordered, taken, and stood as follows: Yeas 171, nays 30. So the call was suspended, and the doors of the hall were re-opened. The question being on laying the bill on the table— Mr. GRENNELL demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered to be taken. Mr. LEWIS asked the mover to withdraw his motion, with a view to enable him to move an amendment to the bill, which he was most anxious to obtain a decision upon. The mover refusing Mr. LEWIS asked that the amendment should be read; but the Chair ruled that to be out of order after a motion had been made to lay the bill on the table. Mr. HAYNES made the question of order, but the Chair affirmed its decision, from which no appeal was taken. The yeas and nays were thereupon taken, and resulted as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Alexander, Heman Allen, J. W. Allen, Aycrigg, Bell, Biddle, Bond, Borden, Briggs, W. B. Calhoun, John Calhoon, W. B. Campbell, John Campbell, W. B. Carter, Casey, Chambers, Cheatham, Childs, Clark, Clowney, Corwin, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, Darlington, Dawson, Davies, Deberry, Dennis, Dunn, Elmore, Everett, Ewing, R. Fletcher, Fillmore, J. Garland, R. Garland, Goode, J. Graham, W. Graham, Graves, Grennell, Griffin, Halsted, Harlan, Harper, Hastings, Hawes, Henry Herod, Hoffman, Hopkins, Henry Johnsou, W. C. Johnson, Kilgore, Lawler, Legare, Lincoln, A. W. Loomis, Lyon, Mallory, Marvin, J. M. Mason, S. Mason, Maury, May, Maxwell, Menefee, Mercer, Milligan, M. Morris, C. Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Ogle, Patterson, Patton, Pearce, Peck, Phillips, Pope, Potts, Rariden, Randolph, Reed, Rencher, Richardson, Ridgway, Rumsey, Russell, Sawyer, Sergeant, A. H. Shepperd, C. Shepard, Shields, Sibley, Slade, Smith, Snyder, Southgate, Stanly, Stewart, Stone, Stratton, Taliaferro, Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Underwood, A. S. White, John White, E. Whittlesey, L. Williams, Sherrod Williams, J. L. Williams, C. H. Williams, Wise, Yorke-119, NAYS-Messrs. Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Boon, Bouldin, Brodhead, Bronson, Bruyn, Bynum, Cambreleng, T. J. Carter, Chaney, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cushman, Davee, DeGraff, Duncan, Edwards, Farrington, Fairfield, I. Fletcher, Foster, Fry, Gallup, Gholson, Glascock, Grant, Gray, Haley, Hammond, Hamer, Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Howard, Hubley, W. H. Hunter, R. M. T. Hunter, Ingham, T. B. Jackson, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, N. Jones, J. W. Jones, Kemble, Klingensmith, Leadbetter, Lewis, Logan, Arphaxed Loomis, Martin, McKay, R. McClellan, A. McClellan, McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Moore, Morgan, S. W. Morris, Muhlenberg, Noble, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Paynter, Penny backer, Petrikin, Pickens, Plumer, Potter, Pratt, Prentiss, Reily, Rives, Robertson, Sheffer, Sheplór, Spencer, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vail, Vanderveer, Wagener, Webster, Weeks, T. T. Whittlesey, J. W. Williams, Worthington, Yell-107. So the bill was ordered to lie on the table. Mr. LEWIS now wished to offer his amendment, but the chair ruled it out of order. Mr. PICKENS inquired whether a motion to take up the bill again might not be entertained by consent of such a majority as were competent to change the order of business? The CHAIR said that could only be done by suspending the rules for the purpose. No business had intervened after laying the bill on the table. Mr. LEWIS moved to adjourn. Negatived. Mr. LEWIS now said business had intervened, and again moved that the bill be taken up, and his amendment received. The CHAIR still deciding the motion to be out of order Mr. GRIFFIN, to accommodate the gentleman from Alabama, moved a reconsideration of the vote by which the bill had been laid on the table. The yeas and nays were demanded. Mr. BORDEN moved to lay the motion for a reconsideration on the table, and demanded the yeas and nays, which were ordered. Being taken, they resulted as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Alexander, H. Allen, J. W. Allen, Aycrigg, Bell, Biddle, Bond, Borden, Bouldin, Briggs, W. B. Calhoun, J. Calhoon, W. B. Campbell, J. Campbell, W. B. Carter, Casey, Chambers, Cheatham, Childs, Clark, Clowney, Corwin, Cranston, Crockett, Curtis, Cushing, Darlington, Dawson, Davies, Deberry, Denn's, Dunn, Everett, Ewing, R. Fletcher, Fillmore, J. Garland, R. Garland, Goode, J. Graham, W. Graham, Graves, Grennell, Halsted, Harlan, Harper, Hastings, Hawes, Henry, Herod, Hoffman, Hopkins, H. Johnson, W. C. Johnson, Kilgore, Lawler, Legare, Lincoln, A. W. Loomis, Lyon, Mallory, Marvin, J. M. Mason, S. Mason, Maury, May, Maxwell, Menefee, Mercer, Milligan, M. Morris, C. Morris, Naylor, Noyes, Ogle, Patterson, Patton, Pearce, Peck, Phillips, Pope, Potts, Rariden, Randolph, Reed, Rencher, Ridgway, Rumsey, Russell, Sawyer, Sergeant, A. H. Shepperd, C. Shepard, Shields, Sibley, Slade, Smith, Snyder, Southgate, Stanly, Stewart, Stone, Stratton, Taliaferro, Thompson, Tillinghast, Toland, Underwood, A. S. White, J. White, E. Whittlesey, L. Williams, S. Williams, J. L. Williams, C. H. Williams, Wise, Yorke-118. NAYS-Messrs. Anderson, Andrews, Atherton, Beatty, Beirne, Bicknell, Birdsall, Boon, Brodhead, Bronson, Bruyn, Bynum, Cambreleng, T. J. Carter, Chaney, Chapman, Cilley, Claiborne, Cleveland, Coles, Connor, Craig, Cushman, Davee, DeGraff, Duncan, Edwards, Elmore, Farrington, Fairfield, I. Fletcher, Foster, Fry, Gallup, Gholson, [H. OF R. Glascock, Grant, Gray, Griffin, Haley, Hammond, Hamer, Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Holsey, Howard, Hubley, W. H. Hunter, R. M. T. Hunter, Ingham, T. B. Jackson, J. Jackson, J. Johnson, N. Jones, J. W. Jones, Kemble, Leadbetter, Lewis, Logan, Arphaxed Loomis, Martin, McKay, R. McClellan, A. McClellan, McClure, McKim, Miller, Montgomery, Moore, Morgan, S. W. Morris, Muhlenberg, Noble, Owens, Palmer, Parker, Parmenter, Paynter, Penny backer, Petrikin, Pickens, Plumer, Pratt, Prentiss, Reily, Richardson, Rives, Robertson, Sheffer, Sheplor, Spencer, Taylor, Thomas, Titus, Toucey, Towns, Turney, Vail, Wagener, Webster, Weeks, J. W. Williams, Worthington, Yell-105. So the House ordered the motion to lie on the table. ACCOUNTS OF THE DEPOSITE BANKS. Mr. CAMBRELENG now moved that the House go into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union; which motion prevailing, Mr. HOWARD, of Maryland, was called to the chair of the committee. The committee took up the bill from the Senate to adjust the accounts of the late deposite banks. The bill is in the following words: An Act for adjusting the remaining claims upon the late deposite banks. Be it enacted, &c., That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, authorized to continue to withdraw the public money, now remaining in any of the former deposite banks, in a manner as gradual and convenient to the institutions as shall be consistent with the pecuniary wants of the Government, and the safety of the funds thus to be drawn; and that no further interest than that required by the deposite act of the twenty-third of June, one thousand eight hundred and thirty-six, under which those deposites were made, shall be demanded of any bank which has met, and shall hereafter meet, the requisitions of the Department. This provision shall also extend to such public moneys as may remain in any of the said banks, whether standing to the credit of the Treasurer of the United States, or of any disbursing or other public officer of the Govern ment. Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That in case of neglect or refusal by any of the said banks to comply with the requisitions of the Secretary of the Treasury, as he shall make them, in conformity with the first section of this act, suits shall be instituted, where that has not already been done, to recover the amounts due to the United States, unless the defaulting bank shall forthwith cause to be executed and delivered to the Secretary of the Treasury a bond, with security to be approved by the Solicitor of the Treasury, to pay to the United States the whole moneys due from it in three instalments; the first to be paid at the expiration of four months from the passage of this act, the second at the expiration of six months, and the remaining instalment at the expiration of nine months from the same period; and interest thereupon at the rate of six per centum per annum, from the time of default, together with any damages which may have accrued to the United States from protests of drafts drawn upon it, or from any other congequences of its failure to fulfil its obligations to the public Treasury. To this bill Mr. Loomis, of New York, had moved, in Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, on the 10th of October, the following amendment to the first section: "Providing, that all banks give security for the payment of four per cent. per annum on all sums of money remaining in their possession as deposites." Mr. WHITTLESEY, of Ohio, suggested to Mr. L. to adopt a modification of his motion, to which, after some desultory explanations as to the wording of the bill, ho consented. |
