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of cares that had hung upon his mind by the convention of Reichenbach, had by this time had leisure to look into, and settle his private and family concerns. He had already established his second son Ferdinand in the government of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany. He now determined to cement the union, and to draw the ties of affinity still more closely, by means of intermarriages (at all times an important object with the House of Austria) between his own family and his relations of the House of Naples. His two eldest sons, Francis, the Hereditary Prince of Hungary and Bohemia, and Ferdinand, the new Grand Duke of Tuscany, were accordingly, soon after the conclusion of the treaty of Reichenback (August 16th) married to the eldest Princesses, daughters of the King of Naples. And about a month after, the third Arch-Duchess, daughter of Leopold, was married to the Prince Royal of Naples; that Princess having first made a solemn renunciation of all right of succession to any of the possessions of the House of Austria. The King and Queen of the Two Sicilies, with the Princes belonging to the two prolific Houses of Naples and Vienna, including in the number the Grand Duke of Tuscany, not only heightened by their presence the splendor of the coronation, but excited a pleasing sympathy, approbation, and satisfaction at the patriarchal providence and prudence of the august head, and the happiness of so many branches of the House of Austria.

So naturally and sincerely do mankind sympathize with the great, especially with sovereign princes, and, above all, with those to whom they stand in any interesting relation, and participate in

all their joys and sorrows, that, not. withstanding all the disputes that had taken place, and the numberless jealousies which had so long subsisted, Leopold was received by both the states and the people with every mark of enthusiastic joy: and the diet embraced with transport an occasion which immediately offered of testifying by a signal instance, their loyalty and attachment to their new sovereign.

The King having, according to custom, presented to the diet a list of four of the first of the Hungarian nobility, out of whom they were to chuse one to be Palatine, an office of the highest dignity and trust, and which conferred the rank of second person in the kingdom, the states unanimously requested the sovereign that he would indulge their wishes, by granting for their Palatine the Archduke Leopold, his fourth son, who was then presént. A request so agreeable was readily granted; and the new Palatine three days after (Nov. 15th, 1790) had the felicity of placing the ancient crown of St. Stephen, so long a great object of Hungarian veneration, on the head of his father. On this important and affecting occasion, the King and Emperor, presenting his son to the nation, said, "I hope you will never forget that you are my son: but should it ever be your lot, in the execution of your office, to be under an obligation of defending the rights of the nation against your father, I desire that you will then forget that you are my son, and act in strict conformity, and support, of the laws." Then, turning to the diet, he addressed the great council of the nation in the following words: "This, my beloved son, I present to you as

a pledge

a pledge of my sincere regard for you, that he may act between you and me as a disinterested mediator and promoter of mutual affection."

The Hungarians, full of the sentiments of generosity and affection, and judging that nothing could be refused in the present season of good humour, joy, and festivity, had renewed before the coronation their application for the new diploma, before-mentioned. Leopold, however, retaining his former firmness, had declared that he would not receive the crown on any other conditions than those on which it had been accepted by his mother; and that, in his opinion, the honour annexed to it would be tarnished if it was to be made the subject of a bargain. But on the day succeeding the coronation, when all hopes of concessions had vanished, he granted them every favourable condition, and every sccurity for the future, which they could with reason and propriety desire. Thus, by an uniform steadiness and dignity of conduct, tempered with the most seasonable and prudent acts of condescension, Leopold at once maintained the authority of his government, and gained the affection, confidence, and respect of the Hungarian nation.*

In the same train of thinking and acting, Leopold, after this, recollecting either a transient promise, or hopes he had given in some shape or other, restored to the states

of the Milanese their ancient constitution and laws, and reinstated them in the full possession of all their rights, privileges, and immunities, of which they had been violently deprived by the late Emperor.

About the same time he determined to grant some mark of favour to the Jews; though the privileges conferred on them by Joseph left but little need or room for any amelioration of their condition. Leopold decreed, that in all his hereditary dominions, such Jews as had received a suitable education, and had acquired the necessary measure of knowledge, should be allowed to take academical degrees in the lay-faculties, and to act as advocates: and in the latter quality, to plead the cause of either Jews or Christians indiffer

ently. In consequence of this permission, Raphael Joel, a Jew, having undergone an examination, and given satisfactory proofs of his qualifications, was early in 1794 admitted to the degree of Doctor in the civil law, by the university of Prague.

At the same time that Leopold was thus happily employed in the arrangement of his political, personal, and domestic concerns in Germany, Hungary, and Italy, measures were taken and negotiations carried on with equal success, for the establishment of a peace with the Ottoman Porte, and the recovery of the Austrian dominions in the Netherlands. An armistice, under

Our English readers may, especially in the present juncture, remark a striking resemblance between the national character and political circumstances of the Hungarians and a neighbouring and kindred nation, connected with Britain by many ties of origin, various intercourse, and mutual sympathies, interests, and good offices: hospitable, generous, and brave; easily led, but hard to be driven: of lively rather than lasting passions; very susceptible of resentment, but more susceptible of gratitude; and quickly forgetting past injuries in the contemplation of present, or recollection of recent acts of kindness. The parallel will be readily continued by the moral observer, and extended with equal justness to political situations and relations, external and internal.

under the administration of Count Lodi, the Prussian minister, was concluded on the 20th of September, between the Prince of Saxe Cobourg, on the part of the court of Vienna and the Grand Vizier, in his camp of Silistria, a town in Bulgaria, situated near the banks of the Danube, on that of the Ottomans. Its duration was to be limited to nine months; during which time the territories of the

Turks and Austrians were to remain mutually unmolested, and not to be entered by the opposite parties: and a congress was to be held for a final settlement of the articles of peace between the two powers, at Bucharest, or Sistovia in Wallachia, as should be found most convenient to the plenipotentiaries; to be composed of the ministers of the

parties principally concerned, and of those of the three allied mediating powers. Many difficulties occurred, and unexpected obstacles were thrown in the way, as well by the Emperor himself as through the intrigues of the court of Petersburg. These, however, by the powerful intervention of the mediating powers, and the unwearied application of their ministers, were happily surmounted. A pacification

was concluded between the Austrians and Turks, on the ground of the Status quo ante Bellum;* and, through the influence and exertions of the allied powers, a convention was formed and executed on the same day for the purpose specifying the exact limits of their extensive frontiers.

of

• A diplomatic and very common phrase, importing "the state in which thing were before the war.".

CHA P. II.

Progress of the Spirit of Freedom.-Modified by the different Characters of Nations.-Singular Combination of a Spirit of Liberty with Aristocratical Pride and Religious Bigotry.-Political Constitution of the Austrian Netherlands.—Analogous to that of England.-Arbitrary Government of the Emperor.-Discontents of the People.Suppression of Monasteries:-Subversion of the Constitution.-Imprisonments and Emigrations.-Emigrants from Brabant assemble at Breda.-Sequestration of all the Abbeys of Brabant.-Efforts for the Prevention of Insurrection.-Conspiracy against the Austrian Government discovered.-Attempts to check Emigration in vain.Declaration of the States of Brabant from Breda.-Letter from the Cardinal Archbishop of Malines to the Pope respecting the Conduct of the Emperor, and State of the Country.-Insurrections.-Valour and Success of the Insurgents.-Engagement at Turnhout, and at Tirlemont.-Action between the Austrians and Patriots in the open Field. The Patriots become Masters of the Town and Citadel of Ghent.-Relaxation of Discipline in the Austrian Armies.-Advantages arising to the Patriots from the Reduction of Ghent.-The Emperor endeavours to reconcile the Provinces to his Government by fair Promises.-Daring Attempt of a Band of Patriots in the Capital

of Brabant.-Succeeds.-The Austrians driven out of Brussels.— Rejoicings at Brussels.-The States assume the Reins of Government.-Confederation between the States of Brabant and those of Flanders.-Acceded to by all the other Provinces, except Limbourg. -The United Belgic States provide for their Security by raising an Army-The Austrian Netherlands at this Time the principal Object of Political Attention.-Reflections on the usual State of weaker, when united to stronger States.-Splendid Hopes from the Emancipation of the Provinces from the Yoke of Austria.

THE spirit of liberty and innovation which had now been so powerfully excited, pervaded in some degree, every country in Europe; diversified in each by the predominant features in the national character. In France it was marked by quick bursts of passion and sudden decisions; in Spain by caution and deliberation; in Germany, Poland, and other northern states, by candour and moderation; in Great Britain by good sense; and in the Austrian Netherlands, by a peculiar vigour and obstinacy of character; and still more by a singular co-operation of heterogeneous and discordant parties, which were drawn together, by common oppression and danger, for a time, but could not possibly be amalgamated: for in that country, a kind of double aristocracy seized the government, without the consent of the nation at large. While they endeavoured to recover and maintain independence on the House of Austria, they withheld the claims of freemen from other classes of society. Liberty appeared under the colours of aristocratical pride and religious bigotry. But the progressive spirit of freedom demanded a more equal representation, and a greater participation in the government for the great body of the people. Jealousy and dissention prevailed; and a civil contest was on the point of being decided by arms. In a word, the course of even a few

months displayed the usual energies, distractions, and convulsions of popular governments.

The Belgian nations boast of having derived their liberties and the rudiments of their free constitution from an earlier origin than any other European state, even that of Venice not excepted; the Belgæ having been exempted from several taxes imposed on the other Gauls, by the conquering Romans. For 1,600 years they had enjoyed those privileges, which had been confirmed to them by the oaths of all their sovereigns upon their coronation, as well as guaranteed by the neighbouring powers in various treaties, particularly the barrier treaty of 1715. The government of the low countries, consisting of three branches, bears a strong analogy to the English constitution. As Englishmen, when they oppose arbitrary or unwise measures of administration, are wont to plead the general inclinations and even determination of the people, so we have found the remonstrants of Brabant and Flanders pleading in opposition to the despotic proceedings of the Emperor Joseph, the information they had received from the Syndics or representatives of the people. But as the rights of the Flemings were confirmed by a long series of ages, and clearly defined by express and written engagements, so we find their claims toliberty, and their remonstrances against arbitrary

power

power to be unembarrassed, and distinct, plain, bold, and almost dictatorial. It must be confessed it was not in this style that the friends of liberty in England urged their pretensions to certain rights and immunities in the reigns of Queen Elizabeth and James the First. The English patriots of those days felt the dignity, and advanced the just claims of human nature. But their natural being blended with their constitutional rights, and the constitution not yet purged from the grossness of feudal barbarism, we find in their speeches in parliament, as well as in their addresses and supplications, a strange mixture of what is due to mankind, with a reverence almost superstitious for the persons and authority of princes. The Belgic remonstrants, in the compositions addressed to the Governors General of the Netherlands, and to the Emperor himself, without violating the decorum due to sovereign princes, speak with the freedom and energy of ancient Romans.

It would therefore be matter of great astonishment, if any degree of arrogance and precipitation could be matter of amazement in the conduct of the restless Joseph, after the concessions which he had found it necessary to make in September 1787: after that ratification which confirmed them, and repeated declarations of moderate and just designs, he should yet a second time, and with scarcely any intermission of insidious policy, if not avowed tyranny, labour to slip the yoke of slavery on a generous people. Though an amnesty, by the arrangements just mentioned, had been granted by the Emperor, it was not found that he had laid aside his resentment against those persons who had been most active in

the late opposition to his encroachments. The jealousy and dissatisfaction which had taken root in the minds of the people were not removed. Suspicions were still entertained, and upon no slight grounds, that the sovereign sought to strain his prerogative beyond due bounds. The general tenor of administration was ill-suited to gain popularity or confidence. Instead of those lenient measures by which angry spirits are softened and conciliated, a harsh and severe system of governing was adopted. The army was entrusted to a commander who was thought well fitted to carry vigorous orders into execution. The strong arm of autho rity was lifted up to intimidate the assembly of the states: and complaints were justly made of many acts, at once arbitrary and vexatious.

was

The popular discontent greatly increased by the re-establishment of the new seminary of Louvain. That measure, which had been insisted on by the sovereign as a condition of the concessions of September 1787, was perhaps well enough intended to promote a more liberal education in theology, and to restrain the growth of bigotry; but highly unacceptable to the clergy and a great part of the nation, was obstinately urged with too little regard to religious prejudices, the temper of the times, or the privileges of the country. Innovations may be sudden;-improvements must be gradual. Severities were inflicted on such of the ecclesiastics as were the least obedient to the mandates of the Sovereign relating to his seminary. The soldiery were employed to enforce harsh edicts; and a Catholic Prince, through excess of zeal for toleration, became intolerant to his Catholic subjects.

These

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