1643, June 7.- Sir Samuel Luke to the constables of Oakley, Keysoe, Clapham, Milton, and Puddington.-On sight bring to us one month's pay for all your dragoons and foot. If any refuse to pay the tax, seize his horses, arms, plate, &c.-Send the horses, men, and arms allotted upon your several parishes to appear before us at Layton.

1643, June 9.-Sir Samuel Luke to the High Constables of Wilby.-Warrants have issued to stir my countrymen to a general rising.-Not very successful.-He signifies and desires it may be published in every parish. He will no longer dally with or by mere faire wayes and means clawe his countrymen, seeing it is almost altogether vain and fruitlesse.-Is resolved, if all able men between 16 and 60 do not speedily appear with provisions, arms, and weapons, he will proceed against such cold and insensible persons and parishes of that country with the rigour and severity done in other places, that the good may not always remain scoft and derided at, but may receive ease and comfort.

(Received the 9th June*).-If any person or parish be discouraged by reason of any malignant person that will remain behind or refractory, you shall bring such to Leighton, where order shall be taken for their security, that the country may be in safety during your absence.

1643, June 14.-R. Tapp to the Constable of Harold.Has received Sir Samuel Luke's letter.-Tells him to have everybody between 16 and 60 at Leyton to-morrow to march with Sir Samuel to the army, with arms and provisions; or otherwise to send 9 foot soldiers with provisions and arms to march to the rendezvous of the Parliamentarie army.

1643, June 30.-The same to the same.-The Earl of Essex has directed his warrant to Col. Thompson, from whom he (the writer) has received the warrant.-Tells him to summon all able to bear arms to the Swan at Bedford, at 8 to-morrow, for the service of the King, the Parliament, and the Kingdom.

The Earl of Essex to I am this night at Nettlebed. I heare that you are not yet advanced towards me. I would have you come as fast as you can; and, if it may be with convenience, you may do well to join with the Buckinghamshire forces that I have written to be at Aylsbury to-morrow night. Let me heare which way you march, that you may have new directions.

1643, July 8.-Sir Samuel Luke and Richard Edwards to the Constables of Harold.-All persons are to come to Leighton in arms to-morrow at 12, and bring provisions for the march. We shall be ready to venture our lives and march with them.

1690, March.-Copy of proceedings in the House of Commons about a contested election.

1 Anne, January.-A thin folio, containing proceedings about an election for the Borough of Ilchester.-B. Vernon was unseated, and C. Mason was substituted.

1707.-Narrow paper roll, 8 or 10 feet long. Names of persons in Winchester School.

has

1709, May 17.-Simon Harcourt (at London) to Richard Orlebar (at Henbury, near Bristol).—Mr. Gore was married to Lady Mary Compton last Thursday. made the finest coach in England a noble equipage. Mr. Thynne was likewise married to Lord Jarsey's daughter. He is worth above 100,000l., and after Lord Weymouth's death he'll have 24,000l. a year; but the town is not so filled with the finery of that as of the first marriage. We have been worsted in Portugal, and lost above 1,200 men; that will be a hindrance to peace.

1719, March 8.-Richard Orlebar to his brother.-Just now I am told of an odd passage happened in Councill at the cockpitt to-night. Count Guiscard, a French Protestant refugee, tho' in reality a spye, being examined by Mr. Secretary St. John, and giving no direct answer to the question asked, Mr. Harly, pulling a letter from under his hatt, ask'd him whether he knew that; upon which the Count changed countenance, snatching a penknife from the table, and stabs Harly in the brest, who is dangerously ill. It break in him, but is taken out. After which the Count drew his sword, as did all the Councill; so they seiz'd him without further harm. This is the truest relation I can give, which you may depend off.

1721.-Poll book for the town of Bedford.

1725, June 8, and 1727, Sept. 1.-Copies of the poll books for Bedford.

1730.-Voters for the town of Bedford.

1734.-Poll-book for Bedford. Spencer, Alston, and Leigh, candidates.

Many other papers about elections for Bedford.

1727, Aug. 15.

Memorandum concerning the late election for the town of Bedford. Brace and Orlebar

This seems a supplement to the last.

stood for the Whig interest, and thought they were secure ; but the Duke of Bedford brought Metcalf and Ouzley, and announced they intended to buy. They bought 400 voters at four guineas each, and were returned.

Other papers in the matter of a Petition thereupon. 1742. In a 4to. volume of letters from M. Orlebar to a friend, is a letter dated 22nd April 1742, in which she says, "Last Monday I saw a monument to Shakspear made " with many hundred of flower buds and grapes, opposite "the sign of the Castle in Fleet Street."

In another, dated 19th January 1742, she notices a comedy at Covent Garden, called "The Corsair."

1757-1767.-Several papers regarding Major Richard Orlebar's company of militia (for Harold). The names of the men and of the substitutes are given.

1774, April 13.-Eliza Orlebar (at Bath) to Constantia Orlebar.-Mode of life at Bath.-Yesterday visited the two principal painters of this place, Messrs. House and Gainsborough. "They are both admired much for their art; "but I must say I greatly preferred the portraits by the "latter, as they are such very great likenesses."

1774, May 30.-H. Keene (at Oxford) to Richard Orlebar (at Hinwick). Account of the opening of the tomb of Edward I. in Westminster Abbey. The body was in cere-cloth; a sceptre in each hand; the stones in the belt supposed to be of glass. He measured 6 feet 2 inches.

1780, Dec. 20, Northampton.-A copy of verses (so dated), intituled "Corbet's letter from Jersey_versified." (This accompanies a copy of the London Gazette for Tuesday, Jan. 9, 1781, which gives an account of the landing of the French in Jersey; the capture and rescue of Lieut.-Governor Corbet; the death of Major-General Pierson; and the letter of Corbet (sent by the Lieut.Governor) detailing the affair.

1782, May 3.-A letter from Thomas (Percy, Bishop of) Dromore (at Euston Mauduit). He mentions " Mrs. Percy "and my family."

1783, Feb. 7.-William Fawkener (at South Street) announces that the King has appointed him secretary to the Embassy at Paris.

1785.-A letter from Bath says that the price of al meal is 5d. per lb., and of butter 9d. per lb.

1787. Short minutes of proceedings in the Privy Council (April 24, May 2, and May 10), on the affairs of Jersey, and the Complaints of the Islanders. It appears that in 1786 they wanted Trial by Jury restored. (There are two or three other minutes.)

Among the number of letters by M. Orlebar to her aunt Mrs. Eliza Orlebar, is one dated,

1788, Feb. 16.-She speaks of the Opera and Mrs. Billington, whom she describes as a pretty little figure, pale and seemingly consumptive, tho' a very cunning look with her eyes. When she exerts herself particularly, you can absolutely see the bones in her poor thin neck. She is still the Duke of Cumberland's favorite. Had a ticket for the opening of Hastings's trial. The back of the carriage broken. The Prince of Wales and the Duke of York went. The Duchess of Gloster and Mrs. Fitzherbert were there in the royal box; rather surprising, surely. The Queen and the four princesses preferred sitting in the Duke of Newcastle's gallery. Hastings has a very emaciated, tho' interesting countenance.

1788, April 12.-The same to the same. In " Artaxerxes " Mara sang most charmingly. Most of her songs were encored. Mrs. Crouch as Arbaces was one of the most beautiful figures I ever saw.

1799, March 17.-R. Orlebar (at Trim) to his father. Tells of the assizes there; about 100 prisioners in gaol; for burglaries; eight prisoners under sentence of death people giving evidence would be murdered; the judge is escorted by armed troops, and there are troops in court.

Two leaves of vellum, containing part of a French poem, apparently on the Virtues. Each page is of two columns, and the writing is perhaps of the 14th century. The following lines are given as clues to the poem :Les VIII. covient entremêler A la diademe former.

R. ORLEBAR, Esq.

THE MANUSCRIPTS OF MISS OTHEN OF MIDHURST.

A few years ago an old house at Midhurst in Sussex, belonging to Miss Othen, was under repair; the workmen noticed in a chimney a peculiarly marked brick, and on removing it a box was discovered containing religious pictures, rosaries, a small marble slab, a piece of silk embroidered with the sacred monogram, a number of wax medals, bearing the impression of the Agnus Dei, and some letters and papers of the dates of 1633-1637. All the letters and papers are in a very decayed state, and some are very mutilated and imperfect. Most of them are on mere business matters; John Talbot, to whom they are addressed, being certainly steward to Thomas Lord Arundel and most likely a steward to Visc1. Montague.

Only those given below are worth being copied. John Arismendy, whose testamentary disposition is copied, was a servant to Visc'. Montague; he was arrested on suspicion of treasonable correspondence with Catholics. The examinations before Secretary Windebank and a letter and a statement by him may be found in the printed calendar of State Papers under the dates of Aug. 19 and 20 in 1633 and the February following.

The letter of news is much mutilated, and the signature is unfortunately wanting.

There are letters from William Woodson, Wm. Thomas, John Chamberlayne, Anthony Jeffrey, Richard Forbench, Henry Barnes, Fr. Paveir, W. Drury, Thomas Alchorne, A. Whiteheare, the Earl of Arundel and Visc'. Montague, but all unimportant.

......

Knowe all men by these presents that I, John Arismendy, off the cittie of London, gent., doe hereby signifie and declare unto John Cape and Richard Shelly, both of the parishe of Eastborne, in the Countie of Sussex, gent., and the survivour of them, his executors, adminis tratours, that may will and intencion is, and doe hereby limitte and appoint the said John Cape and Richard Shelly, his executors and administratours, that if in case I, the said John Arismendy, doe fortunne to die in ani time within the space of sixtene years and a halfe ne[xt coming that the said John Cape and Richard Shelly, the survivour [of them, his] heyers, executors, and administratours shall out my anuall rent. . . . . . twentie pounds per ann. payable to them for my use out the... ... of Battelle in the said Countie of . yearly any yeare from and] after my decease dispose and give t[enn]e pounds to Mr. Drwery.. Mr. Lane of Riverparke for the maintenance of a good ma... to [administer the sacraments to the poore Catholikes of Midhurst [with obligation to say two masses evry weeke for my soule [and] my lords auncestours, five pounds to Mr. John Talbotte of Midhurst and his heyres, fortie shillings to John Cape, fortie shillings more to Richard Shelly, twentie shillings to W. Cape of London, brother to John Cape, for to distribute yearly among the poore priest about...... desiring them to remember my in their priers, and they remainder of the yeares. have hereunto sett my hand and daye of July, Anno Dom. 1634.

Sir,

....

continue during the In witness whereof I seall on the twentie

(Signed) JOHN ARISMENDY. Wafer seal, loose.

The welcomest newes you can send me is of your arivall and healthe. [I] am sory to hear of Mrs. Talbots not being well, but. g on the mending hand, I hope in your next to he. . . . better which I praye for. I praye remember my respects and thanks for her friendly token, after which I will inquire, for Mr. Morgan sent me up your letter by Mr. Grissell. Here are many reports of a strict proclamation to come out for putting of penall lawes against rec. [recusants] in execution, and Mrs. Hendrick came this day to Mrs. Lone to tell them that on Christmas night there will be a search. Mr. Price reported from the secretary] that of the proclamation

they tell that the Queen] was on her knees to the K[ing] and cold not prevaile. I hope better, but there is some mysterie in this: there is a speech of a letter or libell that the K[ing] wold be cath[olic] if the State wold let him, and a man and a woeman have been examined about it, but I can not hear the particulers nor how it ends. I hear that Mr. C... hath his cap come to parise and that the Archb. hath o[p]posed the coming over thereof, I can not beleive that [even the bringing of it hithe[r] was moved. On Tewsday the Council slate 3 hours an[d] the K[ing] was present, about the for [busi]nes; they say

Broughton had enform'd against .
against Mr. Brogh[ton].
said Cooke

. spoken retaine

?

was a pr, and it were

.

spake and told . .

Matic, good service. He enformed among other things that of 500 trees markt owt for the . had cut downe 160 and made billets of them and sold them; some other . . . spoken, eyther if they have done soe as is informed or if the informations . . it were fit the offenders were hangd before the court gate soe th K[ing] it seemes they were round. God preserve his Matie, and . you will hear of the unhappie mischance of the yonger son] of mie la. Nevile who at Bruckly by a fall from his horse died without one word. The la. Somerset was twice here; once I was abroad, the 24 time she stayed. neer 2 hours till I did move her to goe; the Earle goeth (soli) after the holy time to Wardour, and (which is most secret) it is morally certen he will marie before he retorne. [S]he shall have Slapton, which he will sell and if it make not 10,000l. it shalbe made up soe much. The voyce is that my lo. Ar. giveth 16 thousd., but magnus erroris magister populus; you knowe it is worth but 1401. per ann. for the present. The la. Baltam[ore] S. Jo. Fortesc[ue] and his la[dy] and her sister stay in towne; the la[dy] Foscue had a mischance, and it seems that D. Chamberlein said it was well for her, for though the conception was good at the first, yet now it was altred and would have proved a false one; some think that now the Dr. doth rather hurt to her than good. This it is to fall into the hands of such. My lo. hath very playnly expressed his dislike of Mr. Haring only Mrs. Euers keeps him in and his owne confidence. There is a motion for Mrs. Clare by Mr. Nevill, brother to him that dyed so lamentably; the mother is a Mordant, Sr. Bas. Brook's wife. Mr. Peasly and his wife and sister [are] at the howse un[knowne] to my lo. It is the lo. Ba[ltim]or's pollicie to sisters though I he[are] he useth the Jes[uits] for his ends the love to them thowgh he miss of hi

with

the worship". mi

hely respected good friend Mr. Talbot, at Cowdry or

hurst.

ALFRED J. HORWOOD.

THE CHARTER CHESTS OF THE FAMILY OF NEVILLE OF HOLT, IN THE COUNTY OF LEICESTER. (F. PEAKE, Esq,)

After the report on this collection had been printed, Mr. Peake brought another bundle of papers which he found to belong to the family. The contents of the bundle are as follow::

A folio volume, paper, 17th century. The several opinions of sundrie Antiquaries touching the Antiquitie, &c. of the High Court of Parliament in England, viz. Dodderidge, Agar, Tate, Camden, Holland, and others. (This work was printed in 1658, and again in 1685.)

A 4to volume, paper, 17th century. I. The Petition of the Earl of Bristol to the Upper House of Parlia ment-1 leaf. (It is about his being summoned to and then forbidden to appear in Parliament.)-II. Articles of the Earl of Bristol concerning the Lord Conway, presented to the Lords of the Upper House of Parliament:-4 leaves, containing eleven Articles.III. Sir Dudley Digges' speech in Parliament, as reported by the Lord President:-5 leaves. (It is against the Duke of Buckingham.) — IV. Thirteen charges against the Duke of Buckingham; with the names of the persons who were to support them :-1 pages.-V. Sir John Eliot's Epilogue, 11 May_1616. (It is against the Duke of Buckingham.)—VI. Letter (copy) by King Charles I. (6 June, 2 Car. I.) to the Vice Chancellor, Heads, Proctors, and whole Senate of the University of Cambridge, on their choosing Buckingham to be their Chancellor :-1 page.-VII. Copy of the Duke's letter to the same:-24 pages. (The contents of this volume have been printed. The most complete copy of No. V. is in Mr. Forster's Life of Sir John Eliot.)

A folio volume, paper, 17th century. The book of Expenses at Flixton Hall, from the 29th Sept. 1633, for one year. Two pages are devoted to each week. The accounts are in four columns, under the heads, Laid out-Receipts-Spent-Remains. It is an interesting volume, as showing the prices of food and value of labour at the time.

A folio volume, paper, 16th century.

1627, March 12. A letter from Thomas Wyseman (at Ryverhall) to William Smith, of Essex; about Wytham, and the quartering and billeting of soldiers.

A packet of letters from J. B. Gastaldi to Cosmas Neville, of Hold: the earliest, is dated 1739 and the latest in 1760. Nearly all are dated from London. He was connected, by marriage, with Mr. Neville and with Lord Litchfield, of Dytchley. He was ambassador to the Court of St. James from the Republic of Genoa. Notices of his official proceedings here and of the action taken by the English Government against the Republic may be seen in the Gentleman's Magazine. Many Genoese ships were taken by the English, and to the settlement of the Prize Claims the letters of 1750 refer. The following extracts contain, I believe, all that is of public or general interest in the letters:

1743, Aug. 11. The King is to make all the campaign, and if he return at all next winter, it will be only at Christmas. It is generally believed he will stay all this and the next year abroad. No certainty yet about peace or war.

66

1743, Oct. 18. Speaks of a projected marriage between Miss Tea (sic) and Lord Traquair.* "My Mas"ters have been badly used by Lord Carteret in the "last Treaty of Worms.t I writ them several times of what has happened now, of what might have been prevented, but they would not believe me, and to save a little money for not sending me over to Germany, they have lost millions." Says he is tired of serving them. The Princess went yesterday to Hanover, and nobody knows yet the very time the King will be here; it is supposed about the middle of next

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month.

1744, June 2. They say the King is going abroad, but the courtiers won't own it yet. If he does go, and my Masters don't order me to follow him, I intend to spend the summer in the country. P.S.--The King of Sardinia seems at present in great d[anger]; I wish from all my soul he may be a little trashed for his g[ ] and ours.

1744, July 3. We received great news last week. Prince Charles past the Rhine. The Spaniards have been beaten in their retreat from Oneglia to Nice. The Marquis la Chatardie has been sent away from Moscovy. My Lord Tyrawley is now triumphant at Naples; the affairs seem in a very tottering condition for the present King. This for England. On the other side the English don't seem too much pleased with the Dutch, and the Dutch complain of the English. 'Tis expected every minute news of some battle between the English and French in Flanders. The King was to go to Flanders, but the Duke of Newcastle and his party having declared they would all lay down their employments, if His Majesty persisted in his resolution, he has been forced to alter his mind, which has been no small disappointment to my Lord Carteret's schemes. There was 12 m. (12,000) Saxons taken by my Lord Carteret into English pay; but the others having opposed it, all is come to nothing.

1744, July 24. Count Durazzi [a Genoese nobleman] is here, a friend of Lady Carteret. The King of France will be to-day at Metz. The Dutch seem now to be in earnest, and we expect to hear every moment the account of some battle in Flanders, the English seeming fully inclined to attack the French. As to the Rhine and Italy, we have nothing particular.

1744, Sept. 1. The face of affairs has changed all on a sudden. The whole French army has passed the Rhine in pursuit of Prince Charles. Prince Lobcowitz has retired to Frascati, having lost a great deal, notwithstanding his pretended victory, and the King of Sardinia is in a sad pickle; it will be a miracle if he escapes it. The Spaniards and French are now in Piedmont, in Cavaglio, and it is believed that the said King has put all his army into garrisons, being not able to keep an army in the field; . . he trusts

much in the approaching winter, but I am afraid this will prove but a small relief; in the mesne time the Genoese are pretty easy about Final, and God, who is

Subsequent letters contain amusing notices of the progress and termination of this affair.

In the matter, I presume, of the Marquisate of Final.

In consequence of his intrigues in Polish affairs. A copy of the Empress Elizabeth's letter to Foreign Courts on this occasion is given in the Political Cabinet for July 1744.

Esq.

great, makes him sensible that injustice sooner or later F. PEAKI is punished. All the world knows how he has aged his father and the late Emperor. He had not done yet, but he had a mind to take our territory, and found here ministers weak and base enough who joined with him in such a villainous affair. But as the affairs are now, they are afraid that the Genoese should take their revenge in their turn. I wish they had an ounce of my blood, but they are too good to enter into any war, and too Christian to take any revenge.

1744, Oct. 4. I am told, by the post letters, will appear our manifesto against the King of Sardinia, but I have not the least account of it from my Masters, nor from any belonging to the Republic. Thinks the season very improper to begin a war.

1744, Sept. 20. Some accounts say that Prague is taken, and some that only part of the town is taken and not the citadel; the first letters will clear up the matter. The Court will have it for certain that the Genoese are going to declare war to the King of Sardinia. I askt the Duke of Newcastle today if I might pack up my goods. No, said he, you shan't go. I hope things will be made up, and that the Republic will not be forced to come to these extremities. I have no manner of account from my Masters about what they intend to do; only I know they have raised 24m. [24,000] men, and that they are in a condition to make themselves respected. Had they done this sooner the King of Sardinia never would have had the assurance in pretending any of our dominions in that shameful manner he has done.

1744, Oct. 20. I hope this Court will not precipitate matters with us, and begin hostilities, tho' I am under no small apprehension of 'em. They have sent an order to Vice-Admiral Rowley to ask the Senate about the rumour of this great army of the Republic, after the declarations made last summer of an exact neutrality. Some have told that in case the Republic's answers are not satisfactory, Rowley has orders then to begin hostilities; and if such should be the case I suppose my Masters would order me to leave this kingdom; but, by the best intelligence I have got, I think I am safe for the present, and that they will consult here about the Republic's answers before they come to any such extremities, which would hurt no less the English trade than our own. The Republic, I hope, will receive my letters before Rowley appears. They have made a great mystery to me of their message, and if it be true that the Brest squadron is joined with the Toulons, I suppose my Masters may be quite at their ease. I have no accounts of any real design my Masters have of joining the French and the Spaniards; but here the Court seems not to entertain the least doubt as to their alliance; and if care should be taken we Genoese in that case might make a very great figure in the world; also we might make it still worse. I doubt not but we will have soon proposals of peace; but how long the taxes are to continue it is a thing very much uncertain.

1744, Dec. 22. Today, at last, the Broad Bottom is come in. You'll see here a list of those that have kissed the King's hand today. There is some others which is not in the list, such as Lord Gower, who is, I am told, to be Lord Privy Seal; Lord Chesterfield, that is to be Ambassador in Holland; and others, which I suppose you will soon know. I am told the Republic is sending here an Envoy Extraordinary, who is to be Count Durazzi, for a particular Commission; . . . I have no news of it from anybody private or public. We'll see now what these folks will do; last year they all spoke violently in favour of the Republic, now that they are in place perhaps they will change their mind. In my country they are preparing strongly against any hostility of the King of Sardinia and the English. (The list of names of those who kissed the King's hand is as follows :) Admiralty : Duke of Bedford, Lord Sandwich, Admiral Anson, Greenville Lord Vera Beauclerk, Lord Archibald Hamilton, Lord Baltimore. Mr. Chetwind, Mint; Sir John Philipps, Board of Trade; Keen, Paymaster, pensions; Doddington, Treasurer of the Navy; Arundel and Littleton, Treasury; Waller, Cofferer; Sir John Hind Cotton, Treasurer, chamber; Lord Hobart to be made an Earl and Captain of the band of pensioners; Lord Halifax, Buckhounds.

1750, June 1. I think the Regency have dispatched the affair of the prizes, and that the proclamation will soon be printed.

1750, June 9. Last Thursday the proclamation about the Genoese prizes was signed, and today it will be published; so thank God I am out of this monstrously troublesome affair, so far as it relates [to] the Court. He says he will have the plague of liquidating the effects.

1750, July 3. Great rogueries in the accounts of the Genoese prizes; his own countrymen the greatest rogues.

1750, July 10. Next Thursday I must go to Windsor for the Duke of Bedford's sake, to be present at his installation.

1750, July 21. About his troubles in liquidation of the Genoese effects.

1750, Aug. 14. The World talks about disputes between the Pope and the Venetians, but he thinks all will be made up.

1750, Sept. 27. The King will not be here for the birthday; we shall soon have a great funeral at the Portugal Chapel for the King of Portugal.

1750, Dec. 11. The Duke of Dorset has been declared Lieutenant of Ireland, and I hear that the Duke of Devonshire is going to be declared for awhile President of the Council. My Lord Harrington is quite out, without any place or pension; nor do I think that he believes he shall have any at all. This is what he has got by his having been the first in the year 1746 to give up his place in order to serve the Duke of Newcastle and the party.

1760, March 20. From St. Omer's, where his and Neville's sons were at College.

1760, May 20, St. Omer's. Letter in French, signed Gastaldi (not important; not in the same hand as the others; no seal).

1760, Dec. 26, St. Omer. J. B. Gastaldi to C. Nevill. Is glad that Lord Litchfield has been made a Lord of the Bedchamber, He mentions his sister Conyers and his sister Woollascot.

1762, August 17, Bruges. F. Scarisbrick, Rector of the College of St. Omer's, to C. Neville; dated at Hotel d'Argile, Bruges. He says, that "the fury of these

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66

parlemints still raging run cruelly against us; and we being threatened by repeated alarms, with an "embargo to be laid on the children committed to our care, when we are to be expelled the College," he has fled with Charles and Cosmas Neville and other children to Bruges, where he will continue to educate them. An inventory had been made of the goods of the College, even of the beds on which the children slept. (The letter, except the signature, is by an amanuensis).

COPY OF A PAPER ROLL, TEMP. H. 6., CONTAINING CHARGES AGAINST THE DUKE OF SUFFOLK, (imperfect at beginning).

wor

The

Peple felle fro him and wors were coraged to have oidene in the kynge's service and warres shipfull takyng without reprofe or cowardnesse. nighte before that he was yolden he laye in bede with a Nonne whom he toke oute of holy profession and defouled, whos name was Malyne de Cay, by whom he gate a daughter, nowe married to Stonard of Oxonfordshire, and he was comynge fro his warde down the place over the Bruge by Jamet de Tille, whiche sinfulle levynge ys effect] was nought only cause of his schamfulle takynge but the dethe of his seid brethren and of many a notable persone there same tyme myscheved whiche is schamfulle to here of, of a man berynge the name of astate. And where he] saith he payed for his finaunce and rauncone the summe of xxti m' li. and more, wite it verily that he was a XII. M'. marke

at

at the most, for the which he layde his seale to the Frensshemenne, and his brother which we Oxenford he laye plege for him, &c.

To whom falsly forsworne he lete him dye in prison. And forasmoch as his seid seale lay in the Frenschemen's handes by side forth ev coude with noe crafte by quyte withoute reprofe, he therfor conspired with the Duke of Orliaunce beynge in his kepynge and with the Conace, and Jamet de Tylly, and other of the Frenshe partie to labour the delivraunce of the seid Duke of Orliaunce, and so to h[ave the] seid seale ayen, the which he complesshed withoute other payements of Fynaunce, raunceoun, or depance, and toke grete sommes of gy[ftes], and rewarde beside forth, and the kynge ne the lands never abailled, which mater shalle better be declared herafter in tyme to come with the mercy of God.

Item wher the seid duke articled that after that he was come oute of prisone into Englond, longe before he payed his seid surmised excessive fynaunce, he went to Caleys to my lorde of Bedford, and not longe after beynge styward of the kynge's house, went in ambassade in the company of my Lord Cardinall of Englond and other to the convencion of Aras; and after the dethe [of] my lord of B[edford] ..the viage with his husholde meude in to Normandie and Fraunce, and

seid surmised

put the Countre in reule Fynaunce was never payed, but as ys and shalle herafter be declared, it was stoppid; and as for goynge to Ca[leys] . . . . Normandie and Fraunce and Aras, he wente at the kynge's grete costes, and had excessive rewardes, and well and trewely [was] he contente, and he wente under suche condite as was no juperdeux aventure in Normandie and Fraunce, for erst he came the [re]..... was resenably good rule, and by him hit was appeyred, and ther was amyghty power of the Inglissh partie, and by him it w[as] weyked; and where he saith in the same article that other menne's defautes or mysdedes that aren aboute oure prince be. . . directed

and layde unto him untrewly by divers envious_maliciously noysed, late him purge himselfe first, and thanne telle [other] menne's defautes and mysdedes. Or elles a contrary, lete him telle the seid defautes or misdedes and laye theym upon theym [that] aren gylty, and tell what it is that passith his power to amende, and so discharge his consciens and disclaundre the generall none singler thinge that perchaunce is not

W

done to his lust.

Item where in his thred article the seid duke declarith that he by the comaundement of the kynge, and by thavice of alle the lordes spirituall and temperall well instructe, and havynge ample, large, and sufficent power and auctorite, toke upon him with other notable ambassades to goo in to Normandie, and so fourth to Toures to the kynge's uncle and adversarie of Fraunce, as well for the kynge's mariage as for trewes, and considered that Normandie was desired universally by the kynge's subjectes beynge theraswell lordes, capteyns, and other, which he surmittith be yet sufficiant of recorde, which saide that tyme to the seide duke that but he toke a trewes or an abstynence of werre, they mighte not ne wolde not kepe the lande in the kynge's obeysaunce, seynge the mighte of adversaries assembled at Pounteys to the nombre of xviij. m' menne, and the debilite and feblenesse of the kynge's countre, which menne of werre were not whan thei were to geder not xve Englisshemenne the townes and the castelles unstuffed of menne and of ordinaunce and vitaille. This is the trouth that considered grete governance that the seid duke had hier in this lande and the grete favour aboute the kynge's person, and the grete coost that was putte in him, and the grete use of ambassad and full instruccion that he had at alle tymes of alle the seid debilite and of the menes of repayre ther of in as moche as he seith himself he put the seid countre to good ruele after the dethe of my lorde of Bedford, and afterwarde wente in the company of my lorde of Yorke over the see and ther abode ayere, at which sesons and tymes he was well instructe of alle suiyvent moovvemens, and of alle the mighte of the kinge's adversaries, wherof he never set ne desired to sette remedie, but rather councell, which St Piers de Brese and other of the Frenshe partie in suche forme as herafter shalbe declared better with God is mercy and where he saith the takynge of the said treux was the gretest universalle welle that came to the kynge or to his subjectes, it is the contrary, for ther by the kynge's obeisaunce was and ys lost, the more partie God emende it, therby the kynge's adversaries that thanne were we and in ruyne werre releved and sore encressed therby the kynge's peple and soudeours were put from their Garisons exiled, poverysshed, and distroied; therby were robbers, pillages, murders, ydelnesse, and cursednesse brought amonge us, therby oure frendes of the kynge's amite and of his linage were departed from the leige of oure sovereigne, and to not comprised in the takynge of the said treux, therby the Frenshemen alied them selfe and enlarge their amite and their aliage to suche as were beste oute of the kynge's amite ouere sovereigne lorde; therby were alle the Garrisons in Fraunce and Normandie of the kynge's obeysiaunce; therby were alle soudeours clane piked oute of the countree. Et quid supereto, thereby is alle goone, and t this mighty dede be alle inacted and exemplefied; yet it is not exemplêfied in whos defaute is lost afote of ground]: and for exemplificacion it is well knowen that whan the Duke of Orliaunce shulde be delivered, as is rehersed in the first article of the boke, my lorde of Gloucestre was contrary in his oppinion to the deliveraunce of him, and ther fore he desired an Acte to be made for him that it was never his assent; and so it was done; and with in a moneth after. not withstondynge that the seid Duke of Suffolk laboured the seid deliveraunce, he had alike acte exemplified for him by Privy Seall, that it was never his assent. Who but antichrist coude turne the treuthe upse done? who so eville doynge, so inpeitable, who so defyled, so faire withoute soothe ? Trowe ys not that Judas that kyssed

:

ever

his maister: and as to that that he saith, ther were not xve Englisshmen, ther weré moo at the tyme of the first treux takynge thanne xi. m1. men which may be proved, and the Dolphyne, with helde after with him iij. m' and C. Englisshemen, and at the treux proroged were in Normandie viij. M'. men and moo.

Item where the seid duke in the ende of his fourte article declarith himselfe for yeldynge up or departynge fro and of the townes and castelles of Anyoies and Mayne with their appurtenances, and seith the trouthe was that whan he was at Toures in ambassiad and after at Loreyne, and had ample and as large power as any was gevyn to any ambassad amou ther convocacions and treites was desired gretly over the other partie to ayelde up or to arelessed to theym the seid towne of Anyoies and Mayne, with their appurtenances, and notwithstondynge his seid power was large and sufficiant dyscharge for him to have resonably departed the kynge's title therfore, yet he gaffe theym never answere nor comforte therof.

It is yet never thelesse that therof delivered he to the Bastard of Orliaunce letters patents made in the kynge's name, besydes Powles, and ther made to him promise that yf the Duke of Alauncion wolde come or sende to the kynge into Englond to desire Alauncion, he shulde do his parte in suche forme as he dowted not he shulde have it; and as for Maunce and Mayne, alle lordes and comons in Englonds knew well that it was the keye of well faire of alle the kynge's obeisaunces in Fraunce and Normandie, and whanne they were gone the Englisshemen obeisaunce was gretly anentished, and the French partie hoold over that side: and howe the kynge's enheritaunce was ther inne, loke alle your cronicles and ye shall fiynde it the old enheritaunce that oure sovereigne lorde had, and that he hath continued in the issue male with oute chaunge of blod fro Geferey Plantegenet to his awyn persone a fyv hundred yere abone before the seid Gefereys days, and so thei not inherited by so olde blode male, noo lands christian withoute chaunge of name: and wher he seith that he moved the Frenche partie [to] recompense the kynge's subjects that had lyvelode there, which was impossible to alle Fraunce graunt away the kyne's lyvelode by his letters patent, and of his adversaries desire Impossible thinge it is no pleynesse by no mene for no prince; but wors, it followith no man is recompensed, and the kyne's lyvelode and enheritaunce ys goone and his obeisaunce anentished, and his liege menne have lost her lond, and are become beggers.

The Frensshe partie and the Duke of Suffolk riched, the trewe subjects lost her londe, her goods, her catall, ther wyfes, ther childrenne, and over that exiled and fleed the countree; thus was the seid treux takyn inprovidently and folily; for therby be the Frensshemenne riched, the Englishmenne povered; they mightly recured of men and peple, we distroied; they to gader, we assundred scarkeled; they well arayed, we exiled and banysshed; and over that, the seid duke improvidently after his first ambassiad not considered the grete emynent charges wherto the kynge was borne of necessite, first for the susteynynge of his werres and resistence of his enemyes, next for his grete and honourable mariage, the thirde for his blode and issue, which God sende us in this lande for his mercy; the fourte fore for the comyn welle encrese and profite of alle the lande, and for his honourable hushold never stynte of his insatiable covetise, but ever of the kynge oure sovereigne lorde gate to himselfe raill lordshipe, maneres, townes, landes, tenements, sees, annuetes, reversions, wherof what so evere the seid duke write for his excuse, the yerely value with the offices ther to appendaunt is more thanne v. M1 marcs in alle. the proves thereof is to see all his grauntes made fro the first yere of his reigne, in to nowe, wherof the graunte by patente made to him only of alle thinges passe the nombre of xxxti and by sume patent a m. marck of landes, and more by which insa.

and yet he spares not the best revenus of alle this lande, which is the custome and subsidie of wolles wherof he hath at ones oute of Norfolke costes the value by a patent of v. M1 marcs, of which wooles the grete substaunce was trised. . . . over the see by the handes of Symond Pygot of Lenne, and he overmore of insaciable covetise not thus content ne yet with the grete excessive sinistres giftes for makynge of grete offices and ministres of countrees in Englond, wherof. summe yere at the eleccion of Shireffes of Englond for particuler mattiers outwarde, and to make a shireffe parcially, and not indifferently, his approwe worth a m' marcs, at sume terme of Seynt Michell, whereof felle the inconvenientisse in this lande, therby alle tho that wolde

not be of his secte were over sette in their countres; therby every matier trewe or fals that he wolde favour went fourthe; therby alle other trewe mannes matier of nonsuche mighte went bakke; therby perjuries begonne and encresed that yet sinfully continued in Englond, which sume men drede shalle cause the landes destruccion; but good amende hit; therby were trewe men hangyng; therby were theves saved, therby menne lost their lands with wronge such as he wolde; therby hath he purchaced many a grete lordship for mayntenaunce; therby falsholde encreased, therby trouth destroued; therby was trouth put under, and falshold was lyfted above; thereby is justice lost; therby is lawe mischeffed; and over alle this, not thus content, the saide duke thoughte the kynge's lyvelode not by him anynteshed caused many other of his secte sum suche as did the kynge never service, ne none of his auncestres to have of the kinge's gyfte, great constabularies, offices, annuetes, and grete pensions, wherof the approwe to his awene selfe of giftes that he toke therof was every yere worth yerely the value of his lyfelode. Thus is he riched, the kynge povered; he of grete lyvelode, the kynge of litell lyvelode; this ys the estymacion of his lyvelode of the kynge's gyfte.

First my lady dame Margarete Somerset with the fees of officers

m. li.

Item for the lande of my yonge lady of Warwyke; he was a frendely fermor for the lande he toke to ferme of the tresorer. The Erldome of Penbroke with Penbroke shire with the fees of menne and offices - m1. li. The grete parte of the Erldom of Richmond in Norfolk as Swaf ham, Narforth, Turne, and Charleton,

With the appurtenaunces and with the Turne of Writes, with Shervesturnes and other frauncheses

The offices at Wadestoke, Walynford, Fremantill, and other, with the grete offices in the duche of Lancastre, besides other offices here not expressed

cc. li.

cc. li.

The sinistre purchace of the seid duke. First, for asmoche as he gat to the Erle of Kendale the honour, name, title, and astate of the erle, &c., and gat him the kynge's lyvelode in Gascoigne and Guyene, whiche was summe tyme the lorde of Gloucestre, and maried to him his nece. Therfore he hath by slypper eschaunge the lordship and castell of Glaxton, Resham, and other landes and tenements in Norfolk and Suffo wich were of the enheritaunce of his seid nece, to the yerely value, with fees and offices and services, cc. li.

Item of the executors of St. John Clyften to mayntayn theym to kepe Clyfton ys lyvelode with wronge fro his next blode and his heires, to whome his seid lyvelode was entailled, XXVI. li.

Item where the seid duke execused him and my lady, his wyfe, of there lyfe lyvynge continuelly upon the kynge and the quene, as to that article it nedith not gretly to say memorie, for the treuth apperith.

Item where the seid duke declarith that it is cursedly noysed that he shulde selle Normandie, and the lordes and capteyns their, as to the lordes and capteyns it is to bene advised; but as for Normandie, wete ye well that the Frenche partie knowen every day our poverte, oure debilite, inprovidente, non-resistence, non-power, and every mishappe that folowith amonge us; and as for that amphibille demaunde that the seid Duke seith in his article to demaunde the cause of the losse of Normandie, of suche persones as have conceites of lordes and capteyns that have yalde up the kynge's places;

That demaunde may not rescu a persone, ne it is not worthy; but this demaunde wherby it is lost, hit may be aunswerred by false covetise, ravene, extorcion and pillage, which caused rebellioun of Sogettes for lakke of justice on the oo side; by deliveraunce of the duke of Orliaunce and the Countes of Mayne and Maunce, in to the Frenshemennes handes, inprovident, undiscrete, shrewed and trewe takyn treux on the other side; and of iche of thees comyth many a felle braunch which shalle passe to speke of, and the residue of the seid duke's booke shalbe aunswerre.

Plus in dorso.

And as for secour or rescus to Roone Harflette or to any other place in Normandie, it nedith not to aunswerre the seid duke's declaracion; for therof the treuth apperith; and for his offres into Normandie or to any other place, as large as they have ben made and spoken, ever thei be joyned with an impossible, &c.

Examined,

ALFRED J. HORWOOD,