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These indiscreet proceedings, beheld with disgust by all the provinces, were particularly odious in Brabant; which ranks Louvain among her principal cities, and has a special care of its privileges.

The minds of men, already indisposed and alarmed for their civil rights, were more inflamed by religious zeal. A general discontent prevailed; and at the close of the year 1788, the states of Brabant expressed their dissatisfaction with the measures of government, by refusing to grant the ordinary supplies.

This refusal drew on the states the heavy displeasure of the sovereign, already irritated by the resistance that had been made to his seminary. The monarch yielding to his resentment, now suffered himself to be hurried into violence; by an edict addressed to the province of Brabant in 1789, he not only annulled the ratification of concessions by which the former disturbances had been composed, together with the subsequent amnesty, but as if disengaged from that compact, into which he had entered at his accession, he recalled his inaugural oath to maintain the joyous entry, or the privileges of the Brabantine people. He signified that those establishments created in the year 1787, which had caused so great alarms, and which he had agreed to abolish, should be revived in their full extent; that the intendants should forthwith enter on their offices; and that no abbots were to be named in future to the vacant abbies in Brabant. And he denounced severe chastisement to all who should in anywise call in question, or oppose those acts of his administration. The council of Brabant having, according to its known privileges, refused to give its sanction to edicts repugnant to

the laws, the supreme tribunal which formed the main support of the liberties of the country was suppressed. The care of the public revenue, which belonged to a committee of the council, was committed to a council appointed by a commission from the Prince. The states of Brabant felt the effects of the Sovereign's displeasure in other respects. The power which they had exercised in withholding the subsidies, was affirmed not to belong to them of right. As it had been declared that no abbots were in future to be named in Brabant, the suppression of the first order of the states was denounced by that declaration. The third order, that is, the deputies of the Commons, not sufficiently complaisant to the will of the sovereign, was pronounced to be improperly and whimsically constructed. All the barriers which a respectable constitution had set up against the encroachments of princes, were thrown down. The joyous entry was represented as encumbered with useless articles. That ancient charter of Brabant, by which the people claim to be released from suite and service to their princes till reparation be made for the infringement of rights, was treated as a vain pretension, founded on error. The sovereign having set forth that embarrassment which the joyous entry and the Assembly of the states gave to his measures, did not conceal his purpose of new modelling, by his own authority, the constitution into such a form, that the operations of government should no longer be perplexed or disturbed by that embarrassment. His great design was, to establish one simple and uniform system of military government throughout the whole of his widely extended dominions: by

which means all distinctions of government, religion, laws and privileges, being annihilated, and the people formed into one mass, they would at once be more easily go verned at home, and present a more powerful engine of foreign conquest.

It is scarcely possible on contemplating such conduct, to refrain from some expressions of surprise and indignation, that any human being, however exalted his rank or hereditary pretensions, should consider so many nations as merely tools of his ambition and even caprice. But if it may be allowed to suppose that he was governed in all his multifarious and ever changing schemes by a sincere regard to the good of mankind, how great the folly and arrogance to imagine, that he could make nations happy in spite of themselves, and in opposition to their dearest prepossessions and most inveterate prejudices!

Whilst the reign of despotism was thus openly proclaimed, the displeasure of administration was directed in an arbitrary manner against those from whom an opposition to the new system was apprehended. Many, on vain pretences, and contrarily to the known forms of law in the province, were imprisoned; and great numbers of the nobility, clergy, and people of property, emigrated to the adjacent countries.

The Belgians beholding the entire overthrow of a constitution that had been maintained through so many ages, and persuaded that their last resource was to be found in arms, displayed the standard of revolt: and the same month of October, 1789, that announced the taking of Belgrade from the Turks,

declared to the Emperor the revolt of his subjects in the low countries. While they were stimulated, on the one hand, by a just cause, and an indignation at insolence and oppression, they were encouraged, on the other, by occupation of the Austrian armies in the Turkish war, and the embarrassments that had arisen out of that event: they possessed vast resources in their own country, and they might reasonably hope for support from Prussia, whose armies already menaced the Austrian frontiers, and all other foreign powers who might be actuated, either by a general sympathy with their own nation, or by hostility to the pride and ambi

tion of the Austrians or of the Russians: powers separately formidable, but in conjunction alarming.

Their first enterprizes in arms were successful. Bodies of armed men rose up in nearly all the provinces. Great exertions of valour were made by men undisciplined in war, but not sparing of blood in the cause of liberty. By a rapid train of success, in the space of a few weeks, the Austrian garrisons were worsted and dislodged from the great cities in the Netherlands. Even the city of Brussels, where the Imperialists were in the greatest strength, and where they had de. termined to make the greatest resistance, the Austrian General was compelled to yield to the signal valour of its inhabitants.

There could be nothing more natural than for the emigrants to take refuge and assemble in a neighbouring country, possessed by a kindred people who had, by their virtues, emancipated themselves from the same tyranny which they themselves found so grievous and intolerable. While some retired to

France

France and to other places, the greatest number repaired to the frontier of the United Provinces: but principally to the Lordship and neighbourhood of Breda, in the province of Holland ;* which became their head quarters. The emigration from Brabant, which had at first been confined to the higher orders and people of property, was quickly increased in numbers, by an accession of active and resolute young men from all the provinces; which beheld in the fate of the constitution of Brabant the approaching fall of their own liberties.

The Austrian government were at first so far from taking any measures for putting a stop to emigration, that they considered it as rather a fortunate circumstance: and the country would thus be cleared of a great number of disaffected persons without any trouble. For the Emperor himself, he seems to have been well pleased with an opportunity of gratifying two darling passions: a rapacity for money, and an eagerness to humble and overthrow the clergy. He issued a decree for the sequestration of all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointed civil officers for the administration of their revenues. He suppressed notless than 160 monas

tic establishments. The only precaution he appears to have used, was, that in this great suppression, the men were more favoured than the women. Of the male convents only forty were sequestered: of the nunneries, 110. Such an arbitrary invasion of so much property in a country so long in the enjoyment of freedom, and that of ecclesiastical property in a country so devoted to the clergy, was considered in a most odious light, raised a general outcry, and prepared the minds of men, particularly the peasants (the most numerous and hardy class) for insurrection.

The Flemings, who had long brooded (according to their national character) over their injuries in sullen silence, which served only to render them more determined in their resolutions, and more implacable in their resentments, began now to form bold designs, and to give vent to the rancour that preyed on their minds, in action.

General d'Alton, the great tool of imperial tyranny in the Netherlands, drawing detachments from different garrisons, sent them to scour such parts of the country as were deemed most disaffected, with orders to take up all suspected persons, and all vagabonds. With this latitude of commission, the troops

were

A patrimony belonging to the Prince of Orange. + The characters of men at the opposite extremes of society, appear in some respects perfectly to coincide; the one class being placed by their situation above a regard to the sympathy of the greater and of the best part of mankind; and the other below it: a matter of fact which affords a very striking illustration of Dr. Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments. The sentiments and views that actuated the Emperor Joseph on this occasion were not very different from those that dictated the massacres and confiscations in France in 1792, 1793, and 1794.

So not only the inhabitants of Flanders, the maritime, richest, and most populous, but also those of the other provinces, were formerly and until the recent revival of Roman appellations, generally called.

§ A soldier of fortune, and consequently devoted to the pleasure of his master. For an account of this military adventurer, we refer our readers to our Vol. 31; being that for 1789.

were in fact left at liberty to take up whomsoever they pleased. Many disorders and much violence was committed. The prisons were filled with unhappy persons, who were cut off from all means and hopes of redress: and by the injustice and sacrilege of the Emperor, thus executed by them whom they regarded in no other light than that of military mercenary ruffians, the general odium against the Austrian government was carried to the highest pitch of abhorrence. A conspiracy which, from the nature of its design, must have consisted of a very great number of persons, was formed and carried on in the very seat of government and heart of the capital city of Brussels. It was resolved to undermine the house of Count Trautmandorf, the Emperor's civil engine of oppression, as well as that of his military tool General d'Alton, together with the guard-house; and to blow up those buildings, together with their possessors, into the air with gunpowder. The conspirators, during the confusion occasioned by this explosion, were to seize the arsenal with the city gates, and to admit several small bodies of emigrants, who were to be prepared, and at hand for the purpose. This gunpowder plot, which was laid in the month of August 1789, and speedily to be executed, being discovered, above twenty suspected persons were immediately taken up; and the number would have undoubtedly been much encreased, and a long succession of severe punishments have ensued, if the troubles now fast approaching had not put an end to this and similar prosecutions.

The numbers and the menacing aspect of emigrants and others dis

affected to government being daily increased, the plan of purging the country by emigration was changed. The magistrates were ordered not to grant passports: and the emigrated nobles and clergy were charged by proclamation to return, under pain of forfeiture. But the magistrates were themselves too much interested in the common cause, to lay any restraint that could possibly be avoided, on those who were disposed to take a more active part in its promotion; while the nobility and clergy laughed at the threat of forfeiture, which they well knew no compliance could avert, if ever it should be in the Emperor's power to inflict the penalty. The emigration was continued without interruption or diminution. Nothing less than a powerful army, with the advantage of numerous and well-chosen posts and garrisons, could have effectually restrained emigration from provinces so open onall sides, intersected by so many rivers and canals opening an easy and various communication with other countries, and in the near vicinity and uncommon variety of unconnected states. In addition to all these circumstances tending to facilitate emigration, the dangerous ambition, with the ever-restless and insidious policy of Joseph, had inspired all the neighbouring powers with a desire to embrace any opportunity that might occur for frustrating his designs, and humbling his pride. And while the ruling powers in the neighbouring states, were so favourably disposed towards the Flemings from motives of policy, their subjects, from ties of affinity and blood, long habits of commercial intercourse, private friendship, and above all, a general commiseration

of

France and to other places, the greatest number repaired to the frontier of the United Provinces: but principally to the Lordship and neighbourhood of Breda, in the province of Holland ;* which became their head quarters. The emigration from Brabant, which had at first been confined to the higher orders and people of property, was quickly increased in numbers, by an accession of active and resolute young men from all the provinces; which beheld in the fate of the constitution of Brabant the approaching fall of their own liberties.

The Austrian government were at first so far from taking any measures for putting a stop to emigration, that they considered it as rather a fortunate circumstance: and the country would thus be cleared of a great number of disaffected persons without any trouble. For the Emperor himself, he seems to have been well pleased with an opportunity of gratifying two darling passions: a rapacity for money, and an eagerness to humble and overthrow the clergy.t He issued a decree for the sequestration of all the abbeys of Brabant, and appointed civil officers for the administration of their revenues. He suppressed not less than 160 monas

tic establishments. The only precaution he appears to have used, was, that in this great suppression, the men were more favoured than the women. Of the male convents only forty were sequestered: of the nunneries, 110. Such an arbitrary invasion of so much property in a country so long in the enjoyment of freedom, and that of ecclesiastical property in a country so devoted to the clergy, was considered in a most odious light, raised a general outcry, and prepared the minds of men, particularly the peasants (the most numerous and hardy class) for insurrection.

The Flemings, who had long brooded (according to their national character) over their injuries in sullen silence, which served only to render them more determined in their resolutions, and more implacable in their resentments, began now to form bold designs, and to give vent to the rancour that preyed on their minds, in action.

General d'Alton, the great tool of imperial tyranny in the Netherlands, drawing detachments from different garrisons, sent them to scour such parts of the country as were deemed most disaffected, with orders to take up all suspected persons, and all vagabonds. With this latitude of commission, the troops

* A patrimony belonging to the Prince of Orange.

were

The characters of men at the opposite extremes of society, appear in some respects perfectly to coincide; the one class being placed by their situation above a regard to the sympathy of the greater and of the best part of mankind; and the other below it: a matter of fact which affords a very striking illustration of Dr. Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments. The sentiments and views that actuated the Emperor Joseph on this occasion were not very different from those that dictated the massacres and confiscations in France in 1792, 1793, and 1794.

So not only the inhabitants of Flanders, the maritime, richest, and most popu lous, but also those of the other provinces, were formerly and until the recent revival of Roman appellations, generally called.

§ A soldier of fortune, and consequently devoted to the pleasure of his master. For an account of this military adventurer, we refer our readers to our Vol. 31; being that for 1789.

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