and my wife and children; with great pain he made that bargain, for he loved me well, and my wife his daughter, and our children; when he saw he could make his finance none otherwise, he accorded thereto, but he retained mine eldest daughter still with him; so I and my wife and our second daughter returned into England, and so I went and dwelt beside Bristow, on the river of Severn: my two daughters are married, and she in Ireland hath three sons and two daughters, and she that I brought with me hath four sons and two daughters; and because the language of Irish is as ready to me as the English tongue, (for I have always continued with my wife, and taught my children the same speech), therefore the king my sovereign lord and his council, commanded me to give attendance on these four kings, and to govern and bring them to reason, and to the usage and customs of England, seeing they had yielded them to be under his obeisance, and of the crown of England and they were sworn to hold it for ever; and yet I ensure you for all that, I did my power to ensign and to learn them good manner, yet for all that, they be right rude and of gross engin: much pain I had to make them to speak anything in fair manner: somewhat I altered them but not much, for in many cases they drew to their natural rudeness. The king my sovereign lord's intent was, that in manner, countenance, and apparel of clothing, they should use according to the manner of England, for the king thought to make them all four knights: they had a fair house to lodge in in Duvelin, and I was charged to abide still with them and not to depart; and so two or three days I suffered them to do as they list, and said nothing to them, but followed their own appetites; they would sit at the table and make countenance neither good nor fair. Then I thought I should cause them to change that manner: they would cause their minstrels, their servants, and varlets, to sit with them and to eat in their own dish, and to drink of their cups; and they shewed me that the usage of their country was good, for they said, in all things, (except their beds,) they were and lived as common. So the fourth day I ordained other tables to be covered in the hall, after the usage of England, and I made these four kings to sit at the high table, and their minstrels at another board, and their servants and varlets at another beneath them, whereof by seeming they were displeased, and beheld each other and would not eat, and said how I would take from them their good usage, wherein they had been nourished. Then I answered them smiling to appease them, that it was not honourable for their estates to do as they did before, and that they must leave it, and use the custom of England, and that it was the king's pleasure they should so do, and how he was charged so to order them. When they heard that, they suffered it, because they had put themselves under the obeisance of the king of England, and persevered in the same as long as I was with them; yet they had one use which I knew well was used in their country, and that was they did wear no breeches; I caused breeches of linen cloth to be made for them. While I was with them I caused them to leave many rude things, as well in clothing as in other causes. Much ado I had at the first to cause them to wear gowns of silk furred with minever and grey for before these kings thought themselves well appareled when they had on a mantle. They rode always without saddles and stirrups, and with great pain I made them to ride after our usage. And on a time I demanded them of their belief, wherewith they were not content, and said how they believed on God and on the Trinity, as well as we. Then I demanded on what pope was their affection. They answered me, on him of Rome. Then I demanded if they would gladly receive the order of knighthood, and that the king of England should make them knights, according to the usage of France and England, and other countries. They answered how they were knights already, and that sufficed for them. I asked where they were made knights, and how and when. They answered, that in the age of seven year they were mado

knights in Ireland, and that a king maketh his son a knight, and if the son have no father alive, then the next of his blood may make him knight, and then this young knight shall begin to joust with small spears, such as they may bear with their ease, and run against a shield set on a stake in the field, and the more spears that he breaketh, the more he shall be honoured. I knew their manner well enough, though I did demand it. But then I said, that the knighthood that they had taken in their youth, sufficed not to the king of England, but I said he should give them after another manner. They demanded how. I answered, that it should be in the holy church, which was the most worthiest place. Then they enclined somewhat to my words. Within two days after the earl of Ormond came to them, who could right well speak the language, for some of his lands lay in those parts; he was sent to them by the king and his council; they all honoured him and he them: then he fell in sweet communication with them, and he demanded of them how they liked me. They answered and said, well, for he hath well shewed us the usage of this country, wherefore we ought to thank him, and so we do. This answer pleased well the earl of Ormond. Then he entered little and little to speak of the order of chivalry, which the king would they should receive; he shewed it them from point to point, how they should behave themself, and what pertained to knighthood. The Earl's words pleased much these four kings, whose names were these:-first, the great Anele, king of Mecte; the second, Brine of Thomond, king of Thomond; the third, Arthur of Mackemur, king of Leinster; the fourth, Conhue, king of Cheveno and Darpe; they were made knights by king Richard of England, in the Cathedral church of Duvelin, dedicate of St. John Baptist: it was done on our lady day in March, as then it fell on a Thursday. These four kings watched all the night before in the church, and the next day at high mass time, with great solemnity, they were made knights, and with them Sir Thomas Orphen, Sir Joatas Pado, and Sir John Pado his cousin. These kings sat that day at the table with king Richard; they were regarded of many folks, because their behaving was strange to the manner of England, and other countries, and ever naturally men desire to see novelties. Then I sir John Froissart said: Henry, I believe you well, and I would it had cost me largely that I had been there and surely this year past I had come hither, and it had not been for that I heard of the death of queen Anne of England, which did let me: but one thing I would desire of you to know, how these four kings of Ireland come so soon to the king of England's obeisance, when king Edward the king's grandfather, who was so valiant a prince and so redoubted over all, could never subdue them nor put them under, and yet he had always war with them; and in that they are subdued now, ye said it was by treaty, and by the grace of God; indeed the grace of God is good, who so can have it, it is much worth; but it is seen now-a-days, that earthly princes getteth little without it be by puissance. I desire to know this, for when I shall come into Hainault, of which country I am of, I shall be examined of this and many other things, both by duke Aubert of Baviere, earl of Hainault, of Holland, and of Zeland, and also by his son William of Baviere, who writeth himself lord of Frese, which is a great country and a puissant, which country the said duke and his son claimeth to have by right succession, and so did their predecessors before them: but the Fresons would never fall to any reason, nor come under obeisance, nor as yet do not unto this day. Then answered Sir Henry Cristall and said: Sir John, to shew you the very truth I can not, but as many a one saith, and it is to suppose, that the great puissance that the king had ever with him, and tarried there in their country nine months, and every man well paid, abashed the Irishmen also the sea was closed from them on all parts, whereby their livings and merchandises might not enter into their countries, though they that dwell far within the realm cared little for it, (for they know not

what merchandise meaneth, nor they live but grossly and rudely like unto beasts;) yet such as liveth in the marches of England, and by the sea coast, use feat of merchandise with us, and into other places. King Edward of noble memory, in his time had to answer so many wars, what in France, Brittany, Gascony, and Scotland, so that his people were divided in divers places, and sore occupied, wherefore he could not send no great number into Ireland; but when the Irishmen saw the great number of men of war that king Richard had in Ireland this last journey, the Irishmen advised themself and came to obeisance; and indeed of old time there was a king in England named Edward, who is a saint and canonised, and honoured through all this realm: in his time he subdued the Danes, and discomfited them by battle on the sea three times and this saint Edward king of England, Lord of Ireland, and of Aquitaine, the Irishmen loved and dread him much more than any other king of England that had been before: and therefore our sovereign lord king Richard this year past, when he was in Ireland, in all his armories and devices; he left the bearing of the arms of England, as the libards and fleur de lises quarterly, and bare the arms of this saint Edward, that is a cross patent, gold and goules, with four white martinets in the field: whereof it was said the Irishmen were well pleased, and the sooner they enclined to him; for of truth the predecessors of these four kings obeyed with faith and homage to the said king Edward, and they repute king Richard a good man and of good conscience, and so they have done to him faith and homage, as they ought to do, and in like manner as their predecessors sometime did to saint Edward. Thus I have shewed you the manner how the king our sovereign lord hath this year accomplished and furnished his voyage in Ireland; put it in your memorial, to the extent that when ye shall return into your own country, ye may write it in your chronicle, with many other histories that depend to the same matter. Then I thanked him, and said it should be done. So I took leave of him. Then I met with March the herald, and I demanded of him what arms this Henry Cristall bare; and I shewed the herald how this Sir Henry had shewed me the manner of the king's journey in Ireland, and the state of the four kings, who had been, (as he said,) in his governing, more than fifteen days at Duvelin. The herald answered me and said: sir, he beareth in his arms silver, a chevern goules, three besans goules. All these things I did put in writing, because I would not forget them.

119. THE DISCONTENTS IN ENGLAND.

FROISSART.

The state generally of all men in England began to murmur and to rise one against another, and ministering of justice was clean stopped up in all courts of England, whereof the valiant men and prelates, who loved rest and peace, and were glad to pay their duties, were greatly abashed; for there rose in the realm companies in divers routs, keeping the fields and highways, so that merchants durst not ride abroad to exercise their merchandise for doubt of robbing: and no man knew to whom to complain to do them right, reason, and justice, which things were right prejudicial and displeasant to the good people of England, for it was contrary to their accustomnable usage; for all people, labourers and merchants in England were wont to live in rest and peace, and to occupy their merchandise peaceably, and the labourers to labour their lands quietly; and then it was contrary, for when merchants rode from town to town with their merchandise, and had other gold or silver in their purses, it was taken from them, and from other men, and labourers out of their houses: these companions would take wheat, oats, beefs, muttons, porks, and

FF

the poor men durst speak no word. These evil deeds daily multiplied so, that great complaints and lamentations were made thereof throughout the realm, and the good people said, the time is changed upon us from good to evil, ever sith the death of good king Edward the Third, in whose days justice was well kept and ministered in his days there was no man so hardy in England to take a hen or a chicken, or a sheep, without he had paid truly for it; and now-a-days all that we have is taken from us, and yet we dare not speak; these things cannot long endure, but that England is likely to be lost without recovery; we have a king now that will do nothing; he entendeth but to idleness and to accomplish his pleasure, and by that he sheweth, he careth not how every thing goeth, so he may have his will. It were time to provide for remedy, or else our enemies will rejoice and mock us.

:

*

Thus the Londoners communed together, and not all only they, but also in livers other places of the realm; but the chief insurrection that the people were in, was by the first setting on of them of London, for the commons of London were as chief, and by them lightly all other commons would be ruled; and upon the mischief that they saw apparent in England, they had divers secret counsels together, and with them certain prelates and other knights of the realm, and they concluded to send into France for the earl of Derby, and were determined when he were come to shew him the evil governing of king Richard, and to put to him the crown and governing of the realm of England, and so to make him king and his heirs for ever, so that he will keep the realm in all good usages. Then it was thought that he that should go on that message must be a wise man and of good credence, for they thought it should be a great matter to get the earl of Derby out of France for they said that for any simple words of a mean messenger, or for any letters, he would give no faith thereto, but rather think it should be to betray him. Then the Archbishop of Canterbury, a man of honour and prudence, was desired to do that message, who for the common profit of the realm accorded to go at their desires, and ordained for his departure so wisely that none knew thereof but such as ought to know it; and so he took a ship at London, and but seven all only with him, and so past without any peril, and came to Sluse in Flanders, and from thence to Ardenburg, and so to Gaunt, to Andwarpe,* to Athe in Brabant, and to Conde, and so to Valencennes, and there took his lodging at the sign of the Swan, in the market-place, and there tarried a three days, and refreshed himself; he rode not like no bishop, but like a monk pilgrim, and discovered to no man what he was nor what he entended to do: the fourth day he departed, and took a man to be his guide to Paris, saying how he would go a pilgrimage to Saint More: he did so much that he came thither where as the earl of Derby was, at a place called Vincetour,† beside Paris. When the Earl of Derby saw the bishop of Canterbury coming to him, his heart and spirits rejoiced, and so did all such as were about him, for he thought well then to hear some news out of England. The bishop shewed not as then the cause of his coming, but dissimuled because every man should not know his entent, and therefore to cover his business, he said openly, he was come on pilgrimage to Saint More. All such as were about the earl thought it had been so. When the bishop saw his time he took apart the earl of Derby alone into a chamber, and closed the door to them; then the bishop shewed the earl the debility of the realm of England, and of the desolation thereof, and how justice had no place to reign for fault of a good king, and how certain valiant men and prelates, with the Londoners and other in general, had devised a remedy, and for that cause he

was sent thither to him, to desire him to return into England, and they would make him king, because that Richard of Bourdeaux had done, and consented to be done so many evil deeds, that all the people sorrowed it, and are ready to rise against him; and therefore, sir, now is the time or never for you to seek for your deliverance and profit, and for the wealth of your children: for if ye entend not to help yourself and them also none other will; for Richard of Bourdeaux giveth to them of his chamber and to other daily part of your inheritance and of your children, of the which many valiant men and the Londoners were sore displeased therewith, if they could amended it, but they durst never speak till now; but because the king hath evil used himself against you and against your uncle the duke of Gloucester, who was taken by night and conveyed to Calais and there murdered, and the earl of Arundel beheaded without title of any good reason, and the earl of Warwick exiled, and you banished, and thus the realm of England is near disherited of all noble men, by whom the realm should be sustained and also the king hath banished the earl of Northumberland and the lord Percy his son, because they spake somewhat against the king's governance and his council. Thus they daily increase in doing evil, and none dare speak against it; great part of the realm have pity thereof, and therefore they desire you to sleep no longer, but to take leave of the French king and return into England, there shall you be received with joy and all this that I have said they will firmly uphold, for they desire to have none other king but you, ye are so well beloved in the realm.

:

:

When the earl had heard the bishop's words at length, he was not hasty in giving of auswer, but leaned out of a window looking down into a garden, and studied a certain space and had many imaginations; at last he turned him to the archbishop and said: Sir, your words causeth me to study. Loath I would be to take on me this enterprise, and loath I would be to leave it, for I know well that it will be long or I cannot return into England, without it be by the same means that ye have declared. Loath I would be to encline to your words, for the French king here and the Frenchmen do to me, and have done, and will do (if I list here to tarry), all the honour and courtesy that I can desire: and if so be by reason of your words, and promise of the Londoners, my good friends, that I should apply aud agree to their wills and desire, and that thereby king Richard should be taken and destroyed, I should in that case bear great blame, whereof I would be right loath, if any other means might be found. Sir, quoth the bishop, I am sent hither to you in hope of all goodness; call to you your council, and shew them what I have said, and I shall also shew them the cause of my coming, and I think they will not counsel you to the contrary. That shall I do, quoth the earl, for such a weighty matter requireth counsel. Then the earl called to him his council such as he trusted best. When they were before him, then the earl caused the bishop to shew them all the matter, and the cause of his coming thither. Then the earl demanded counsel what was best for him to do. They all answered with one voice: sir, God hath taken pity of you: howsoever ye do, refuse not this bargain, for ye shall never have a better and surely whosoever will enquire of your lineage, and from whence ye descended, ye are of the right stock and generation of Saint Edward, sometime king of England. Sir, thank the Londoners your good friends, who will help to deliver you out of danger, and have pity on your children, and of the desolation of the realm of England; and sir, remember well what wrongs and injuries this Richard of Bourdeaux hath done to you and doth daily; for when the marriage between you and the Countess of Ewe was near at a point, did not the earl of Salisbury break it, and called you traitor in the presence of the French king and other lords? which words are not to be pardoned, but ye ought to desire how to be

: