ence whether the money was disbursed by the Unit- a new one. CHAMBERS read the act passed in favor of Virand further supported the bill. COBB would make a single remark in reply to the man from Maryland, over the way. The conduct e Government had uniformly been, when a State forward with a claim, to pay the principal on the int being proved. This was the established course, Fould be found to have been practised invariably in arly period of the Government. In the case of Rhode , that had been the course. The principal was paid, interest. It was so in the case of South Carolina, > in the case of Virginia: the moment they brought d proof that these sums were expended for the gelefence, they were paid. And now the question is, er the Government is bound to pay interest on not yet proved. [SENATE. for their own immediate defence. But it was not so: for the money advanced by South Carolina went to the North and West, and assisted to defend those frontiers. The advance was made for the benefit of the whole community; and the gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. WEBSTER] had said, with great truth, that all saerifices for the general good ought to be paid out of the common funds of the country. Mr. H. said he conceived the principle to be well established, that, wherever individuals or States advanced money for the use of the General Government, it was to be paid with interest from the public Treasury. It had universally been done in advances made by individuals. He admitted that it was not done where advances were made by a public officer; because it was considered that there would often be a large amount of the funds of the Government in his hands, which would balance any advances made by him. induced to examine the acts He had a few days since been year 1770, and found that, in every instance where as far back as the individuals advanced money for the use of Government, interest had been paid. He would instance one case, which was a sample of many others. It was that of Christopher Green, of Rhode Island, who, in the year '70, had advanced a sum of money for the release of certain pri soners. Immediately after the war the sum paid by him was refunded; and, in 1792, a bill to pay interest on the amount passed Congress. The justice of the principle he believed no one would doubt; and the practice had been so universal, that he thought it hardly necessary to go farther in support of the bill. The amendment offered by Mr. KNIGHT having been modified, on motion of Mr. WOODBURY, so as to include New Hampshire, it was agreed to. Mr. MACON said that the reason why the accounts were not settled carlier, was that the money was not paid to the officers of the United States, but to their own officers, which made it necessary to send agents to the De. partment to explain their vouchers. Now, because this money was expended by the State officers, a bill paying HAYNE said that the gentleman from Georgia had them interest must be passed; and it must be shingled. up the wrong theory; and, of course, the conclu-up by adding all the States one by one. We are growing hich he draws from his premises is erroneous. He wiser every day. We are always going back, and finding resumed that the Government was always ready to that all that was done in former times was wrong. All rge the principal. This, however, was not to be former principles were erroneous. Can a Government ned; because, if the General Government was get along in this way, continually overturning all that was to pay it, why did they call on the States to raise done before? A decision of a case was never sufficient. oney? The States were called on to put their hands Claimants came here, and got all they could; and then eir Treasury and disburse this money, because the they came again, and got the rest. I States had not the funds required to carry on the could get along so No Government We cannot have officers enough to History recorded the fact, that the Treasury was settle the accounts brought against us, if they must be sted, and could not raise the funds. Mr. H. ob-settled over and over again. No Secretary of the Treathat he had a few days since read a letter to the sury can make his calculations if we go on this way; for , of the Secretary of War to General Pinckney, in he cannot come at any near estimate of the money that the declaration was made, that the Treasury was ex- Congress will vote away, and every year unsettle what d; and that the General must take every means in was done the year before. wer to raise funds. But, supposing the accounts I been paid at the time those of Rhode Island were ted, what, he would ask, would have become of the st due from the time the advances were made? But le reason why they were not then settled, was, that wernment was not able to meet them. They were >pay the small sum due to Rhode Island, but not off the whole mass at once. The gentleman from ia had said that the States had delayed to send in ccounts. This was not the reason why they were id immediately after the war. It was the accumuof business on the hands of the Department, which years to settle. If, then, the States were delayed settlement by the General Government, there was son why interest should not be paid on their claims that period of delay. There was one error runhrough the whole opposition to the bill. It was, ese sums of money were expended by the States The amendment, as amended, having been agreed to, the bill was reported to the Senate. being put on the amendment agreed to in Committee of And the question the Whole, Mr. CHANDLER moved to divide the question, so as to take the vote on that part embraced by the motion of Mr. TYLER, to pay to the States the same rates of interest paid by them; which was agreed to. And the yeas and nays having been ordered, on motion of Mr. CHANDLER, the question on the amendment was decided in the affirmative. The other amendments were then agreed to; when the question being on engrossing the bill, and the yeas and nays having been ordered, on motion of Mr. COBB, it was decided in the affirmative, by the following vote: YEAS-Messrs. Barnard, Barton, Bell, Benton, Chambers, Hayne, Jolinson, of Kentucky, Johnston, of Louisiana, Knight, Marks, Ridgely, Robbins, Sanford, S.lsbee, Smith, of Maryland, Tazewell, Tyler, Webster, White, NAYS—Messrs. Bateman, Branch, Chandler, Chase, MONDAY, APRIL 7, 1828. Mr. HARRISON moved to take up the bill to reduce the duty on imported salt. This motion was sustained by Mr. HAYNE, and opposed by Mr. VAN BUREN, who observed that the bill had better lie on the table; as, should it pass the Senate, the tariff bill in the other House would prevent ita passage in that body. Mr. FOOT said that this bill had received additional importance since the commencement of the present ses sion, which made it more pecessary to act upon it this year. He alluded to the fact, that the islands of the West Indies which produced salt, had been opened within a short time. He hoped, therefore, the objection of the gentleman from New York would not prevent the bill's being taken up. He thought, whether the House could act upon the bill or not, it was the duty of the Senate to proceed upon it. Mr. McKINLEY, also, expressed himself in favor of taking up the bill. [APRIL 7, 183 as much as the rich one, what becomes of that beast equality which is the basis of our Government? It is i vain that you secure to your citizens their other right that their persons and property are inviolate, that th | elective franchise is unrestricted, and the offices of G vernment open to all, if this principle is adopted, a acted upon to any extent. If you tax the food of the boring man, all the liberty that will be left to him will that of choosing his master; for, go where he may, will still be the slave of his employer. But, Mr. President, said Mr. H., this duty upon salt opposed to another important principle. It is a tax, a a heavy tax, on agriculture. Upon that interest, whi is more important than any other, and on which, indee all the others depend. Salt is largely used on every far but to the grazier it is essentially necessary. No one c prosecute this branch of agricultural industry, in t Western country at least, with tolerable success, unl he can procure the article at such a reasonable price to enable him to use it freely. And the condition of stock will always be in proportion to the quantity use Its beneficial effects are felt in more than one way. saves food: for, the animal which is well supplied wi this article will fatten upon food of a coarser quality, a which, without it, would scarcely sustain him. It sert instead of shelter. In the cold rains of Winter, the We ern grazier gives a double portion of salt to his unhous stock, (and few are supplied with covers;) its cond and invigorating effects upon the stomach of the anim enabling it to resist the inclemency of the weather. saves labor. With a good supply of salt, one or two m grazing in the wilderness, with more ease than ten without it. So strong is the force of habit in the br creation, as well as in their lordly master, that it will bri together the widely scattered flock and herd, precis at the time and place where they had been accustom to receive their ration of this necessary condiment. I the price of this article, Mr. President, said Mr. H., so raised as to make it difficult to be obtained by t poor, and the inhabitants of many a Western cottage w go supperless to bed. If you were to pass through th country, sir, you would see, at the hour of sun-set, little tenants of many a hut looking anxiously for the turn of their solitary cow, which, having wandered far in the wilderness, would not return to supply them wi their nightly wholesome beverage, but in the expectati of receiving in return, from their hands, a luxury to h as acceptable as necessary. Mr. CHANDLER said that the best course on the part of the gentleman from New York, would be to allow the bill to be taken up, and then move its indefinite post-can keep together a herd of cattle or a flock of shee ponement, which would try the disposition of the Senate effectually. The question being put, the bill was then considered, when Mr. VAN BUREN moved its indefinite postpone ment. Mr. COBB said that the course taken by the Senator from New York appeared to him very extraordinary. This bill was brought forward at an early period of the session, and had been repeatedly postponed on account of the very gentleman from New York. And now, at a late day, when it is brought up, that gentleman moves its indefinite postponement. It was curious that this was the only bill that proposed to repeal a tax which was paid chiefly by [ the people of the Southern States. He could not but express his surprise at the course taken by the gentleman, nor did he think the reason given for it at all sufficient. If this bill was to be postponed to give fair weather to the tariff bill, when that bill should come into the Senate, be thought the proposition partial and unjust. If I am right, then, sir, said Mr. II., in the positions have assunted, that the duty upon salt is burdensome Mr. SMITH, of Maryland, said he rose merely to say the poor, oppressive on agriculture-upon what prin that he hoped this bill might not be discussed. He beple of our Government can it rest for support? From lieved that every Senator had made up his mind upon the mode of operation on agriculture, as well as upon indivi subject. If, however, those opposed to the bill saw fituals, it is, indeed, in principle, a Turkish fax: for it ac to express themselves, he hoped the friends of the bill would not follow their example, as the opinions of the friends of the measure were thoroughly fixed. Mr. HARRISON observed, that he thought it would not be denied that a tax on a necessary of life, as was that to which the bill referred, which took from the poor man as much as from the rich man; which made the same demand upon the tenant of the humble cottage as upon the possessor of the splendid chateau, was in utter hostility to the principles of our Government. Which of these principles, said Mr. H., is more sacred, which more necessary for the legislator constantly to keep in view, than that which directs that, in the assessment of the pub lic burthens, the demand should be proportioned to the ability to pay? If this principle is not regarded; if the taxes are levied upon the person, and not upon the property of the citizen; or, which is the same thing, upon the necessaries of life, of which the poor man consumes not upon the products of agriculture, but upon the ver source of its prosperity; not upon the flocks and herd but upon the means of multiplying them; upon the secu rather than the harvest; the scion, rather than the tree the very germ upon which the hopes of future fruit de pends. It may be asked, sir, how a tax of this description could ever have been laid, or submitted to, in a Goveri ment like ours? It was commenced, said Mr. H., as s00 as the present Constitution went into operation, when finances were in a most desperate condition. Bei an indirect tax, the People have felt its weight witho exactly understanding it. As soon, however, as the fairs of our Treasury were in such a condition as to pe mit it to be done, the duty was entirely removed. Th happened in the year 1807. It was again imposed at th commencement of the late war, but the representativ of the agricultural interest were with great difficulty pr railed upon to adopt it, and only from the understanding that it was to be considered as a war duty, to be taken off as soon as peace was restored. A very distinguished citizen of South Carolina, [Mr. Cheves] and who was at that time a leading member of Congress, has authorized me to say that such was the fact. Under various pretences, the duty has continued until this time. [SENATE. the latter when they are low, and the navigation difficult. The price now exacted by the monopolists is 50 cents per bushel, which gives them a profit of at least 22 cents. I have already shown that, after the proposed reduction is made, and the Louisville canal completed, which will permit a continuous voyage from New Orleans to Cincinnati, that the imported salt cannot be sold for less than 70 Let us now, sir, said Mr. H., examine the objections cents. The price current of that city, of the 14th March, which have been made to the proposed reduction. When which I hold in my hand, states the price at that time to the subject was under discussion at the last session, two be from 90 cents to 1 dollar. From these facts, it is eviwere urged. First, that the revenue would be lessened dent, sir, said Mr. H., that the proposed reduction of the to an amount which could not be spared; and, secondly, duty on imported salt will not break up the Western mathat it would break up the manufacture of the article in nufactories of that article; that it will not even reduce the country. It is easily demonstrable, that both these the present exorbitant profits of monopolists: for, the propositions cannot be maintained. If one is true, the imported article, at 70 cents, will never, for ordinary doother cannot be. Upon examining the returns from the mestic purposes, be purchased in preference to country Treasury, I find that the average amount of duty derived salt at fifty cents. What, then, it may be asked, are the from salt, for t e eleven years, commencing with 1816, benefits to be derived from the passage of this bill? It and ending with 1826, is 725,804 dollars. The duty be- will, in the first place, prevent the monopolists from ining 20 cents per bushel, and the bill proposing to take creasing, in any great degree, their present price; and, off 10 cents in two years, it follows that, if the average secondly, it will enable the Western people to procure importation remains as it has been, the Treasury will, af. the imported salt at a cheaper rate, and which is essential ter the first year, lose the half of the above sum, being to the proper preparation of one of their staple commodi362,902 dollars; but, if the consumption remains the ties. The Western pork, prepared with imported salt, same, the manufactures in the country cannot be injured, enters into successful competition in the Atlantic ports as they will continue to supply the same proportion as with that of New England. The domestic salt will not heretofore; but if, on the contrary, the reduction of the preserve it in the Southern latitudes through which it duty should be the means of introducing the imported must pass to reach a market. All that is put up with it, article in such quantities as to take the place of the mais subjected, at New Orleans, to the process of resalting nufactured salt, it follows that the manufactories must be and repacking, at an expense of 1 dollar per barrel. So suspended; but the Treasury will suffer no loss, the in- notorious are these facts, that our Navy Board (as the letcreased quantity imported making up for diminished duty.ter of Commodore Warrington, which I have in my hand, I am, however, Mr. President, said Mr. H., perfectly con- asserts) have directed that the contractors for the supply vinced, that the proposed reduction of the duty will not of pork for the Navy, shall use no Western salt in putting have the unfavorable effect upon the manufactures which it up. Experience having shewn, as he says, that, even is predicted, and that it will not reduce the price of the when mixed in the proportion of one-third foreign and domestic salt a single cent. I speak of that which is made two-thirds Western salt, that the meat has been lost. The in the Western country. I have in my hand, sir, said exportation of salted pork has become of immense imMr. H., a statement, made at my request, by a Western portance to the Western people. At the season for purmerchant, of the greatest intelligence and of the fairest chasing it, large sums of money are taken to Cincinnati From this paper I learn that the foreign salt by dealers from the Eastern cities; the hogs purchased rought up from New Orleans to Cincinnati, in 1825 and in the drove, and there killed and salted. But the price 1626, cost the importers 1 dollar 10 cents per bushel. of the pork is always governed by the price of foreign He makes the cost at this time 784 cents for 50 pounds. salt; and, if the article is not to be procured, the pork If the reduction of duty should take place, as proposed by will not sell at all. Such was the case in the Autumn of the bill, and as soon as the canal at Louisville shall have 1825. There was no foreign salt in the market, and the been completed, he estimates that it may be brought to drovers were unable to sell their hogs. The present Cincinnati for 66.7 cents per bushel of 50 lbs. As the im-high duty upon salt is, therefore, oppressive in every way portations cannot be made with any certainty but in the Spring, the salt then imported must remain in the wareanuses until the following Winter. The loss sustained in the weight, the storage, and the interest upon the mobey, will not enable the importer to sell it for less than 70 cents; which is 20 cents higher than the present price of the domestic salt, and at least 30 cents higher than it can be made and sold for at a reasonable profit. From 1821 to the Fall of 1826, the price of the country salt at Cincinnati ranged from 25 cents to 40 cents. The average may be fairly estimated at 334. Since that time it has, in consequence of a monopoly of the principal works, risen to 50 cents. This monopoly has been effected by the purchase of some of the works, and a contract made by the me individuals with the manufacturers at others, to take the salt made at a given price. The profit made the year by the persons who engaged in this speculation, d to have amounted to 25 or 30,000 dollars each. This can easily be conceived, from the price they pay, A that which they receive for each bushel of salt. At The Kenhawa works, which, I believe, is the highest, dey pay 18 cents per bushel for the salt of second quali1, and 23 for the best. The cost of transportation from Aenhawa to Cincinnati, is from 20 to 50 cents per barrel of six bushels. The former when the waters are high, VOL. IV-38 Cataracter. upon the farmer. It increases his expenses and lessens SENATE.] Duty on Salt. [APRIL 7, 189 L If it stands d [Mr. HARRISON here rose to explain. The tax w first laid in 1812. He was perfectly aware that it ha been continued in subsequent acts.] upon salt is an intolerable burden upon the agriculturist It is said, by the gentleman, that this is a war tax. now, and holds out no prospect of future advantage. Sir, me, said Mr. S., correct my honorable friend on th said Mr H., I could with more justice accuse the tariff-head. This duty is not a war tax. He admitted that men who oppose this bill with inconsistency. One of originated during the war, and that it was undoubted their professed objects is to protect the wool-grower. | resorted to as one of the means for raising funds durin But what farmer is there who will not tell you that a tax those times of exigency. But, since that period, t upon salt is a tax upon our own wool; since it is well duty had been levied anew, both in the tariff of 181 known, that, in proportion to the quantity of salt that he and 1824. In these acts, it could only be considered uses, will be the condition and produce of his flock. 1a war tax, because all taxes are laid for the purpose repeat, sir, that this duty is not in accordance with the paying debts contracted in the last war. spirit of our Government. In those of a despotic chathe tariff of 1824, it is clearly no war tax. racter, it has been borne with great impatience. Under the appellation of gabelle, it is known to have had a very powerful influence in producing the Revolution in France. It is, literally, a tax on the many, for the benefit Mr. SANFORD resumed, and went into the history of a few. I can see no reason why it should not be reduced. the duty and its operation; but much of this part of h In addition to the other objections, it is, as far as re- remarks were inaudible to the reporter. Two-thirds gards the Atlantic States, a very unequal burden. The the salt consumed in the country, he remarked, was in domestic animals near the sea coast do not require salt. ported. The other third was manufactured here, and As you advance into the country, where, on account of it appeared to him that this fact would shew that the the cost of transportation, the price is advanced, it be-protection was a very moderate one. The gentleman comes more necessary; and is absolutely indispensable from Ohio, speaking of the trade in salt in his own State to those which feed upon the rich and juicy pastures of speaks of a monopoly existing in the article. This wa the West. If I have considered this subject, sir, said a very offensive word-but, even supposing a monopoly Mr. H., principally in relation to its operation upon the to exist, the best way to prevent its effects was to create Western States, it does not proceed from a disregard to a permanent domestic supply, to compete with the fo the interests of those on this side of the Alleghany ridge. reign supply. This would ensure to the consumer a moI would, with the greatest possible pleasure, vote to re- derate price on the article. The gentleman from Ohio, duce, or entirely remove the duty, for the interest of the said Mr. S., is not, I believe, opposed to protection altoJatter alone, if my own constituents were not immediate-gether. He does not object to a protecting duty on ly interested; for I never will consent to impose a tax wool. He is willing to adopt the system of protection that will operate unequally, if it can possibly be avoided; on a hundred other articles, yet he excludes salt. Alor convert this hall into an arena for the differeut scc-though he is willing to tax articles that have always been tions of the Union to scramble for the advantage in assessing, on the People, the sums necessary for conducting the operations of the Government. exempt from duty, he is desirous of removing a duty from this article; a duty already existing. I cannot, said Mr. S, understand those gentlemen who confine Mr. SANFORD said that the gentleman from Georgia their protection to particular things. For my own part, seemed to think that his colleague had taken a very ex-I discard that principle. In relation to the extent of the traordinary course, in making the motion now before trade, the whole number of bushels consumed in this the Senate. I think, said Mr. S., differently; but my country was 9,000,000; of which 3,500,000 bushels were colleague is capable of defending himself, and I shall not manufactured in this country. There was not an article attempt to do it. I do, however, think it rather extra in the whole list to which the argument in favor of proordinary that the gentleman from Maryland should ad-tection applied so strongly as to salt. As to the policy vise that the bill should not be discussed, because its of increasing the encouragement now given to imports, friends have made up their minds. For my own part, I whether it was expedient or not, it certainly seemed am always willing to hear discussion upon any topic of proper to retain the encouragement which already exists. equal importance with this. It would be said, perhaps, It was bad policy to change the present rate of the duty that it was unnecessary to debate the subject, because it as, in all such cases, capital was sacrificed which had had been fully investigated last year, when the bill pass- been invested in the manufacture. Every encourage ed the Senate. But it passed last year under different ment of any species of production led to the investment circumstances from the present. Last year, and the year of capital, which was on a subsequent change diminished previous, there were large amounts of surplus in the or destroyed. On these grounds, perhaps most strongly Treasury. The reverse is now the fact. The whole on account of the present state of the revenue, he was surplus in the Treasury is now but 1,600,000 dollars, opposed to the bill." while, formerly, a surplus of 3,000,000 had not been Mr. ROBBINS remarked, that imported salt now paid found too large to cover the various purposes to which a duty of twenty cents the bushel, reckoning 56 pounds the fund was applied. The President, in his message to a bushel. This bill proposed to reduce the duty on the opening of Congress, speaking of the present state of the finances, advises that the strictest economy be practised. Hence it was necessary to confine the appropriations not mentioned in the estimates, to the nar rowest possible limits. Such, then, is the state of the revenue at this time, when we are called upon to reduce the duty on imported salt. Passing from this part of the subject, he observed, that the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. HARRISON] declares this to be an oppressive tax upon the agriculturist. But is this so? It is not a poll tax, although it is true that it is a tax of an article necessary for human subsistence. But every man, whether poor or rich, is equally operated upon by it. Nor was this singular in being taxed. Every article which men eat or drink is also taxed in some way. The odium that had been thrown upon this tax was a mere prejudice. ten cents, not immediately, but in the short period two years. Is this, asked Mr. R., a measure expedient for the public interest? For that interest is the "touch stone" that is to decide and settle this question, and all our tariff questions. If thi- measure will sacrifice a par ticular interest of the country; if it will even hazard that sacrifice; the question comes to this-whether the common interest requires this sacrifice? It would be strange, indeed, if it was found to be a fact that the com mon interest of the country required the sacrifice of one of its particular interests; a fact so strange as to altogether incredible: for the common interest, though not identical with any one interest, is identical with them all; as it is made up of them all. It would, in deed, be an anomaly in political economy, if any one should be of so strange a character as to be incompati PRIL 7, 1828.] Duty on Salt. [SENATE. le with the common interest; and so incompatible, tage than in the North. hat the common interest should require its sacrifice; continued, it will be extended till it reaches that ultiAnd if this protecting duty is nd it would be still more strange, if that interest should mate limit at which every manufacture must be bounded; e the manufacture of an article of prime necessity. the ne plus ultra of demand on one side, and the miniI will assume, then, what no one will deny, that the mum price of a living profit on the other. It is a kind amon interest does not require the sacrifice of the of manufacture which may be carried on with small capi. mestic manufacture of salt, nor the hazard of such a sa-tals as well as with large, and with small to equal adfice. Now, will this measure have this effect? I pre- vantage. It is within the competence of every sea-shore ise, if this is not certain-if it is only probable-even farmer possessed of but a moderate capital, and such as at probability is decisive against the measure: for it is most of them do possess or may command. It is a macurring a risk which is not required by the public in-nufacture, which, in proportion to its capital, draws less rest, and by which even that interest may suffer, and upon the manual labor of the country than any other; hen, at best, it is but an unnecessary experiment. But for the sun is the great elaborator: one hour in twentydo not consider the effect as at all doubtful. It will, four is sufficient for the manual labor of the largest esdoubtedly, affect this manufacture most seriously, most tablishment; and one hand can perform that labor in a juriously. But, before I go further, and attempt to de-moderate establishment. The sea-shore farmer, then, ce and exhibit the consequences of this measure upon without any increase of his hired labor, and without any is interest, let us pause for a moment here, and see material interruption of that labor, may manage this conhat this interest is, which we so heedlessly strike at, cern. d may so injuriously affect; what it may be, if continuto be fostered by this protecting duty, under which it s sprung into existence, and by which alone it can be stained; and whether there are not considerations concted with it, which entitle it to a regard a little more worable than is manifested by this bill. Already the domestic manufacture has reduced the price of this article between 20 and 30 per cent. com. pared with what it was before the establishment of the manufacture; and if the manufacture goes on extending itself, that falling price will go on falling till it reaches Five millions of capital, at least, are already invested bring the article to every consumer at least 50 per cent. the minimum price at which it can be made; which will this manufacture: for, in the single State of Massachu- cheaper than it was when importation alone was dependits, the sea shore salt works have a capital invested in ed on; or than it can be, if importation alone is to deem, as I am credibly, and, I believe correctly, inform-pended on. That this will be the result, will be seen, , of upwards of two millions, and it would now have when we come to trace the operation of this bill upon oubled that amount, but for the doubts created here of this manufacture, and the consequences of this operation. e continuance of the present protecting duty. A large At present I ask credit for the statement; content that mount of capital was ready to be invested, but the in- it be retracted, if you please, if that result is not then Stment was suspended in consequence of these doubts, evident. never will be invested if the present duty is discon Consider that this is one of the great natural resources ed. Those establishments give, at present, to the of the country developing itself, and to be developed ; oprietors a gross annual revenue of about $200,000, opening a wide and profitable field to its industry and its large enough for capital to the business, but not its capital; opening springs, perennial springs of nage enough to sustain it, if these profits are reduced tional wealth and of endless fertility; and that it is a rehis bill would reduce them. As to the interior esta- source, which, left to itself, is of no possible profit. Not shments of this manufacture, in New York, in Penn-like some of our other great natural resources, which, ania, in Virginia, and in the Western States, their if neglected, are not wholly unproductive as our wild ss capital must, at least, be more than double that of lands, for instance, which, though not cultivated, are seaboard establishments in the single State of Mas- still growing in value, from the growing numbers of our husetts. For I find that one establishment in New population, and the progressive advance of our settlerk, so long ago as 1820, was giving to that State, from ments. But this resource lies in the brine of the ocean, moderate duty only, a nett annual revenue of upwards and the brine in the bowels of the earth; valueless where $60,000. We may then safely say, that the capital it is, and as it is; and, in that state, must forever remain to hazard by this measure is at least five millions of valueless; but, if developed, will be a new faculty ac quired to the country; and, if fully developed, one of almost infinite power. Jars. Consider, too, that, in this peculiar manufacture, the whole capital is fixed, and that none of it, or next to none, is floating, and employed in hiring and subsisting labor, or in purchasing the gross material; and that, if you destroy this manufacture, you annihilate this capital. Not like capital in trade, which, if excluded from one channel, still remains entire, and may be employed in another; here it is annihilated and lost; lost as completely as if it was buried in the bottom of the ocean. By one legislative breath you are about to annihilate five millions of property, as well as to preclude yourselves from a resource of countless millions in future. And this manufacture is but in its infancy. It has but surmounted the first difficulties, which are always the at difficulties to be encountered in the introducand establishment of every new manufacture; and pally in a country to which manufactures are new. hile laboring with these difficulties, the business was ther a losing business to the adventurers; in many innces the loss was serious-in some it was ruinous. #t those difficulties are now all happily subdued. By improved economy in the manufacture; by those ps which every manufacture is constantly acquiring #self, from the suggestions of its own experience, and that of others; and especially by those lights which ce, from time to time, is shedding upon all the use- Now let us look to the operation of this measure uparts, and thereby contributing to their perfection; on this manufacture and to the consequences of that opebusiness now has become a regular and profitable ration. One effect must be, to arrest the progress of ars, and will go on extending itself, if its further this manufacture, and prevent its further extension. Jess is not arrested by the success of this bill for this there can be no question; for, if mere doubts of chl for this manufacture is unlimited, to say nothing the continuance of this protecting duty have operated xinterior resources, on the sea board that field is un- to keep back capital from this employment, which is ned. We have fifteen hundred miles of sea coast; known to be the fact-when these doubts are convertevery part of which this manufacture may be esta-ed into a certainty, and the duty is discontinued, will shed to advantage; and in the South to more advan-capital go to that employment? It would be idle, it Of |
