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May 13, 1830.]

Navigation and Imposts.

(H. of R.

Scott, with the proviso of Mr. HOWARD, and carried: yens, high responsibility of protecting the skill, the labor, and 101-Days, 70.

the property of our constituents, is here on us.--and on us After some remarks by Mr. CARSON, animadverting let it reat. on the reasons assigned by Messrs. RAMSEY and MILLER But, before I go into an examination of the bill, apd its for their change of vote on the salt duty, and replies by bearing on the great interests of the country, I must occupy these gentlemen,

a little time in reply to the honorable gentleman from GeorThe question was (at 9 o'clock) put on ordering the bill gia, (Mr. Warne.] So far as I understood him, his main to be engrossed, and read a third time, and decided in the object was to show that our tariff laws are exceedingly uffirmative by the following vote:

oppressive to the southern States, and to all parts of the YEAS.--Messrs. Angel, Armstrong, Arnold, Bailey, Bar- Union ; that this will, should it become a law, would open ber, Bartley, Bates, Baylor, Beekman, John Blair

, Bockee, foreigo ports to us, and thereby give us steady foreign Buon, iBorst, Brodbead, Brown, Buchanan, Butman, Ca markets for our breadstuffs and provisions, and, in a word, hoon, Childs, Clark, Coleman, Condict, Cooper, Cowles, for all the ray productions of our common country, and Hector Craig, Crane, Crawford, Creighton, Daniel, John that, consequently, the agricultural interest of the natiou, Davis, Deuny, Dickinson, Doddridge, Duncan, Dwight, and especially the cotton, tobacco, and sugar planters of Earll, Ellsworth, George Evans, Josbun Evans, Edward the south would be relieved. Everett, Horace Everett, Fiudlay, Finch, Ford, Forward, The tariff laws have become, in the hands of their eneFry, Gilmore, Gorbam, Grennell, Hawkins, Hemphill

, mies, a ready weapon for every species of warfare. ForHodges, Howard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ibrie, Tho merly, the objection to them was, that they favored the mas Irwin, W. W. Irvin, Isacks, Jennings, Johns, Richard rich, and oppressed the poor; that they taxed the industry M. Johnson, Kendall, Kennon, Kincaid, Perkins King, of the poor man, to protect the money of the rich man. Adam King, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Magee, Mallary, But now the objection is, that they favor mechanics and Martindale, Thomas Maxwell, Lewis Maxwell, McCreery, laborers, and oppress the rich farmers and planters; that Mercer, Miller, Mitchell, Mublenberg, Norton, Pearce, now they tax the wealthy and the rich, to protect the skill Pettis, Pierson, Powers, Ramsey, Reed, Richardson, Rose, and iudustry of the laboring poor. Russel, Scott, Shields, Sill, S. A. Smith, Ambrose Spen What, sir, is the principle of the tariff laws, of thiş cer, Sprigg, Stanbery, Staudifer, Sterigere, Henry H. American system," so much reviled, because so little un. Storrs, William L. Storrs, Strong, Sutherland, Swann, derstood! It is the adequate protection of our capital, Swift, Taylor, Test. John Thomson, Vance, Varnum, Vin- that is, of the produce of our labor and skill, whether this ton, Washiogton, Whittlesey, Edward D. White, Wick- produce be in the shape of money, houses, factories, cloths, liffe, Yancey, Young.-115.

or ships, or of cotton, sugar, or tobacco, pot only against NAYS.-Messrs. Anderson, Archer, John S. Barbour, the ruinous competition of foreign capital, but against the Chilton, Claiborne, Conner, Crocheron, Davenport, De action of foreign legislation. berry, Gordon, Hammons, Harvey, Cave Johnson, Lea, The protective system rests upon the same principle as Loyall

, Martin, McIntire, Polk, Repcber, Augustine H. the other great national and constitutional means of deSheppard, Richard Spencer, Taliaferro, Wayne, Weeks. fence. Both are for protection. The navy, army and Williams.-24.

fortifications are for the protection of persons and pro

perty against open enemies, whereas the tariff laws (even THURSDAY, MAY 13, 1830.

as revenue lawa) are for the protection of property merely

against the arts and legislation of professed friends. The NAVIGATION AND IMPOSTS.

prolection, therefore, is not to A or B, because he may The House resumed the bill reported by Mr. CAMBRE- happen to be a manufacturer, or a sbipmaster, or a cotton LENG from the Committee on Commerce, in alteration of planter ; but it is to the property, of whatever kind it may the navigation laws, &c.

be, that he has invested in the factory, the ship, or the Mr. STRONG spoke half an hour in conclusion of his plantation. Suppose any one man to have embarked bis remarks ngainst the bill, and then moved to postpone the whole fortune, iu equal proportions, in a cotton plantabill to the 4th of July next, (tautamount to a motion to tion, a co ton mill, and a ship. Is it not apparent that all reject it,) but withdrew his motion at the request of three must be protected i and is the protection to him, and

Mr. CAMBRELENG, who desired to make some remarks not to bis property,? Is he protected as a manufacturer in reply, stating that he would, after he had said wbat be merely! And is his plantation or his ship taxed for this intended, renew the motion of his colleague ; but, protection, any more than his cotton mill is taxed for the

The hour having expired, Mr. C. was precluded from protection of his raw cotton or his ship? I have always proceeding to-day.

defended the principle of these laws, upon the ground [The following is a full report of the remarks of Mr. that the protection was wholly to the property; that the STRONG.)

bevefits to particular individuals were incidental mereal ; Mr. STRONG said, the extraordioary character of this and that our safety and prosperity mainly depend upon the bill would, be thought, justify him in submitting some re- vigilant and fostering care of Congress, in protecting Amermarks upon its mischievous and ruinous operation upon ican capital and American enterprise. Sir, we may as well the agricultural as well as upon the manufacturing and disband our army, and dismantle our navy and our fornavigating interests of the country. Its provisions, unless tresses, as to open our ports to the unrestricted introductiop I totally misapprehend them, [said Mr. S.) are utterly hos- of the varied products of foreign labor. tile to the whole principle of protection. The honorable Among the earliest acts of this Government, there will chairman of the committee, [Mr. CAMBRELENG] by this be found one for the protection of the navigating interest. Dovel bill, would remove the old safeguarde and leave My colleague, (Mr. CAMBRELENG) in the title of his bill, Cour farms, factories, and ships almost wholly unprotected; seems to profess the same thing; but, on looking at its would take away the superintending power of this House provisions, there is not to be fouod a line or a word which over the capital and industry of the country, and give it has any direct application to our shipping interest. It is partly to foreign Governments, but mainly to the Execu- known to the House that our mercantile marine has always tive of the United States. This will be a pledge to foreign been protected, but never, that I know of, too bighly pronations which we cannot recall

, and a power to the Presi- tected. Now, I suppose this protection was not, and could dent of the United States which we caupot coutrol. I can not have been given for the sake of the master or the never agree to this. We may as well, and with more safety sailor, but for the sake of the large amount of American give up to the President the power of declaring war. The property which had been and might be invested in ships.

H. OF R.]

Navigation and Imposts.

(MAY 13, 1830.

No man now denies the policy or doubts the necessity of co, and every bushel of foreiga wheat, brought into the amply protecting the shipping interest; and yet the money country, and consumed here, would take the place of the laid out in a ship has no better claim for protection, thap like quantity of American produce. The tobacco planter the same amount laid out in a cotton mill, or in a sugar, and the graio grower, therefore, wbile the home market cotton, or tobacco plantation.

gradually fell into the hands of foreigners, and the mar. One of the signal advantages of this protecting system, kels abroad were closed against them, or were preearious is, to put the property, the skill, and industry of our citi- as they now are, would soon find themselves obliged to zens upon an equality as near as may be. Nearly all the produce less and less, until they ceased to produce altoge wealth of the country is invested in agriculture, in manu- ther, except for their own necessary consumption. factures, and in ships or vessels. And the great end of It is not a little remarkable that manufacturers are so protection is to put all bis property, however diversified unsparingly abused and vilified, when every one knows its employment, in a condition of equal safety, so that all that the production of sugar and tobacco combine, mest classes of our citizens may be benefited, as all clearly will intimately, the manufacturing and agricultural interesta

. be, wbere the property and employment of each are fairly One part of the preparation, both of sugar and of tobacco, and fully protected

is as much a manufacture as is the fabrication of cotton or It often occurred to me, during the argument of the gen- of wool. The first process is ngricnltural- the last, stricttleman from Georgia, (Mr. WAYNE] how it could be, and ly manufacturing: The two interests are often united cu whether it were possible that the southern States were the same plantation, and in the same plapler. ground down to the dust by the oppressive effects of the With respect to the great interests of agriculture, manutariff laws, whilst all their great interests have always been, factures, and pavigation, what bas always been the policy and still are, more highly protected by these same laws, of England? And what, for severnl years past, bas been than any other class of interests in the United States. the policy of France and of Russia Has there ever been Their greatest staple productions are cotton, sugar, and a period since manufactures were first commenced in Eng tobacco. Is it any part of their complaint that these are land, when she did not protect them by her laws! Or can protected ? And do they propose to repeal this protection ! a period be found wben the manufactures of wool and of Oh, no! And wbat is it? A protecting duty on sugar of iron would have succeeded in that country, without the three cents a pound; on cotton, three cents a pound; and protection and aid that her laws gave them ? If there be, on manufactured tobacco, (other than souff and segars,) I have never discovered it; bor have I ever met with any ten cents a pound.

one who could point it out to me. The gentleman himself The House, I hope, will recur with me, for a moment, (Mr. WAYNE] referred to the bounties which the British to the early history of the Government. Among the Government, in the infancy of her manufactures, paid distrongest reasons assigned for the adoption of the federal rectly out of the treasury. But the bounties now giver constitution, was the protection it would afford to our by that Government are of a different kind, being nothing commercial interests. As the old confederation bad no more than a drawback of the excise on the articles ex power to protect them, and as the States did not and could ported. During a long series of years, 'England prohi not do it, the whole power over commerce, and over the bited, in terms, the importation of many articles of a means of sustaining it, was given to the Federal Govern. kind which sbe manufactured; and on others the dutie ment. And if Congress will not protect that sugar iuter- were so high, as, in fact, to amount to prohibition. Her est, for example, who will! How else can it be done! cotton manufacture is now the greatest she has. This is Now I take it for granted, because I have been informed protected by an ad valorein duty of about twenty-eight per by sugar growers, that if the duty of three cents a pound cent, and her printed calicoes, notwithstanding the cry on brown sugar was taken off, the planters iu the southern of " free trade," are protected by a specific duty of si States would have to abandon the cultivatiou of the cane; cents the square yard. This operates as a probibition. because they could not compete in the home market with except perhaps to a few French prints, of a very fine the West India sugar grower.

quality and high price. It has been stated, with respect to the article of cotton, In the whole history of England, down to the present that the duty was imposed, not for revenue, but expressly period, and notwithstanding the speeches of Mr. Huskis for protection. The cultivation of the article was then in son, and the assertious of others, which have been so often its infancy--the product small—its success uncertain. quoted upon us, about the revision of ber revenue laws, Then, but a few thousand-now, near a million of bales we find the principle of her system the same. It is pro are annually produced. Still, at the present low prices tection there is no instance that I know of, in which she of upland cotton, were the duty taken off, and the foreign has purposely given up the principle of protection. Wbile article admitted duty free, our manufacturers would work she has modified her laws in respect to navigation, and to up. a portion of foreign cotton. There can be no doubt voine branches of manufactures, she has never for a moof it. I do not say that the cotton of Brazil, or of Egypt, ment lost sight of thoroughly protecting her manufacturwould wholly take the place in our cotton mills of the ing, navigating, and agricultural interests from all foreign southern cotton. The cultivation of cotton in the South is competition. I am aware that she has reduced the duty too far advanced to be ruined by any ordinary competition. on woollens to fifteeu per cent.; and Mr. Huskisson as ! But it is enough for my argument, if a single bale more of signs the reason for it. He says, that branch of industry foreign cotton would be used here, in consequence of re- is so well established, that a protection of fifteen per cent. pealing the duty, because, there being an over-production will enable her manufacturers of wool to compete sue of cotton, every bale of the foreign article consumed here cessfully with the world. But he goes on to say, that, if would deduct the same quantity of southern cotton from it can be shown that the cotton manufacture, or any other the general market. The southern cotton planter, there manufacture of the kingdom, cannot stand with the prefore, would lose by the operation at home, and would gain sent degree of protection, the duty shall be raised-tbat nothing abroad.

he will not hazard one of these intereste--that all shall The same course of remarks will apply to the article of be fully protected. France and Russia are steadily persetobacco. The duty of ten cents a pound on it amounts vering iu the same policy. Such also is our policy. to prohibition. Were the duty taken off, I admit that So inany allusions have been made to the various inteforeign tobacco could not come into competition with ours, rests in different portions of the Union, that it may not be so as to ruio our tobacco planters, any more than the fo- improper to look a little into the relative condition of the reign growers of grain could ruin all our farmers. Yet, northern and southern States. cannot be disguised, that every pound of foreign tobac Neither the skill, nor the labor, por the staple produe

May 13, 1830.)

Navigation and Imposts.

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itions of the North, or the East, have ever been adequately for home consumption wheat or corn from France or the

protected, while those of the South, as I have already Black Seal or rice from the East Indies ? And yet these shown, bave always been fully protected. Still we bear articles are more abundant and cheaper there than here.

loud complaints from the South. Sir, I will not under Hence it is that there are no unfailing markets abroad | take to controvert the statements which have been made for our raw productions ; and why shall we adopt any

to us, of the oppression and misery prevailing in that measure, or pursue any policy, which will destroy our quarter of the Union-por will I say that these complaints markets at home! are upfounded. But this I will say—that, in my judg.

There is a much wider difference in the soil and climent, they proceed from the anticipation of evils, rather mate of our country, and in the pursuits of our citizens, than from evils felt. Most of these complaints are from than in the peculiar interests of the several States. The South Carolina and Georgia ; and it may be well to com- essential interests of the States and of the people are the pare the relative population of those States that are against same, and no pbilosopby or sophistry can prove them to

protection, with those that are for it. According to the be diverse or irreconcilable. | best estimates, it will be found that South Carolina and It is known to many who hear me, that much of the

Georgia together contain not over a half a million of free country in the North is mountainous, cold, poor, and sterile, inhabitants. The cotton-planting States contain about two wbile in the South much of it is level, warm, rich, and millions, and the other States about eight millions, so that fertile. In the North, the frosts continue for half the year. the whole southern interest stands to the rest of the Union In the South, they are rarely felt. The husbandman of in the proportion of two to eight: and the States of South the North is compelled to toil for his living from the rising Carolina and Georgia, in the proportion of half a million to the setting of the sun. It will not do for him to fling to ten millions.

his seed into the earth, and leave it to take care of itself. But it is worthy of inquiry, whether any thing, and He must watch and nurse it. He must work bard, and what, has been done towards relieving our southern bre- spend little. But be of the South commits his seed to a thren from burdens, common to all, which they say have genial and generous soil. It spriogs up and grows while borve heavily upon them—but which eight-tepths of the be is reclining under the vine or the fig-tree. American people have not felt. Sir, the duties on wines I complain vot of this; it is the allotment of Providence. have been reduced about one-half. The consumption of In some respects the soutbern States have the advantage: wines in the South will, I suppose, be admitted to be some in others, the northern States. The products of each are what greater, in proportion to the population, than it is in peculiar, and of great value. Labor is well rewarded in the North. Well, sir, this is not all. During the present both, and each cao supply the wants of the other. Wheresession of Congress, the duties have been greatly reduced in, then, are northern interests opposed to southern ! Or on teas, coffee, and cocoa. These are articles of general wherefore are southero meu hostile to northern interests! consumption; and as far as the duties are a tax upon the Are not the northern and southern laborer equally enticonsumer, so far the cotton-planting States have been re tled to protection? And where is the hardy laborer, lieved. As a generous people, willing that others should South or North, who complains of your Inws! There is live, they ought to be satistied. But the price of their nothing in the present condition of the Southern States, lands and produce has fallen! So it has in the North—60 that I can comprehend, wbich warraots this continual cry it has every where. The people of the South do not suf- of oppression. 'Sir, I bave been among our southern brefer more than the people of the North. I am inclined to thren. As a people, I kpow them to be hospitable; and believe not so much. Yet some few of our brethren I believe them to be generous and just. If aggrieved, I there charge their bad crops and low prices, to the oppres- should rejoice to relieve them, if I could do so without agsive effects of the tariff laws. Not many will believe it, any grieving others more. But, sir, whenever, in my judgment, more than they will believe that protection is oppression. the great and permanent interests of our common country

The low prices and the distresses complained of are depend upon a rigid adherence to the protective system, not confined to our own country; they exist elsewhere, and there is no choice left. I must adhere to the system, are severely felt among most of the European nations. and protect the property and labor of the people. After They have not sprung from the tariff, but from causes all, what is the injury of which southern gentlemen combeyond it. Their origic is to be traced to the recent and plain 1 Are their liberties invaded, or their property taken radical cbanges in the habits and policy of the commer- from them without their consent ! Neither." Both are cial world. The time was when the United States were safe. What, then, is it! Why, that we manufacture our the granary of Europe. Then all our energies were di- wool, cotton, iron, and hemp at home, instead of sending it rected to supply her markets with provisions. Our em- to the workshops of Europe to be manufactured. That is bargo and non-intercourse laws, instead of starving our the real grievance. To say these manufactures wiil sucenemies, taught them to raise their own bread stuffs. The ceed, if left alone, will not do. They need protection, the war that succeeded continued this state of things, and, protection of the Goveroment; and eighth-tenths of the moreover, forced up manufactures amongst us. After the people bave decided that they shall have it. The term battle of Waterloo, and the general peace that followed it," protection" seems to Ave some terror in it. Call it by millions of bands were suddenly converted from uon-pro- any other vame if you will, but give the people the beneducers into producers. This vast multitude of human be- fit of it. ings, thus cast back upon the earth, were compelled to What is the condition of the North and the South, as to enru their bread, or starve. And, at this day, there is markets for their productions ? The northern people scarcely a commercial nation iv Europe that does not pro- are confined almost entirely to the bome market. Were duce and manufacture more than her subjects can eat or the foreign demand for flour equal to their ability to prowear. Great Britain only is obliged to depend on foreign duce it, they might appually send abroad four or five milcountries to supply ber with bread stuffs for about three lions of barrels, instead of the four or five hundred thoumonths in the twelve. France, Russia, and most of the sand only, which they now do. The foreign demand for northern powers, instead of buying their grain and pro- their manufactures, though still small, is gradually invisions of us, håve these articles to sell. Several of them creasing. Thus it will readily be perceived that they are also actively engaged in manufacturing. In truth, cannot open the home market to foreigners without injuDearly, all the commercial nations of the earth are now ry, if not ruin to themselves. Not so with the people of much in the rame relative condition ; each wisely judging the South. They bave a home market and a foreigu marit better to depend upon her own resources, ihan upon ket for their cotton, rice, and tobaccu, both unfailing. the resources of others. Who would think of importing Their sugar is consumed at home. The rice and tobacco

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H. OF R.]

Navigation and Imposts.

(Mar 13, 1830.

find ready markets both here and in Europe. Of their me that he did not mean to be understood as contending cotton, nearly two hundred thousand bales are annually that the import duties fell exclusively upon the grower or used in the cotton mills of the North : the residue of the producer of the exports. If I now understand bim, be crop is chiefly sent to England and France. Now, unless maintains that one part of the duties is chargeable on the two good markets are worse than one, I think our south- consumer, and the other part vo the producer; and ern brethren have much reason to be conteuted with their that the tax upon labor is the mean quantity between lot. But the southern people are highly favored in an our own tariff, and the tariff laws of foreign nations. I other respect. They have the monopoly of cotton, su- bave shown that the grower or producer, as such, does gar, and rice. None of these are raised in the North. not pay-und it seems difficult to prove tbat labor is taxTheir mountains teem with minerals, and their rivers af-ed, unless the laborer be the consumer of the taxed artiele ford great water power. They cau manufacture coarse There is one important view of this subject, to which I cottons and woollens cheaper than anybody else : and if wish to call the attention of the House. It is tbis : that they will not avail themselves of these obvious advantages, the tariff laws, that is, the protecting laws of each pait is their misfortune, and not our fault.

tion act directly upon the producers of every other natioa It is contended that exports pay the duties on imports : with whom there is commercial intercourse. It has been and as the southern planters supply two-thirds of the shown that our tariff does not tax our farmers or plaoters, whole amount of the domestic produce exported, it is as the growers of wheat and cotton ; but the British tariff, thence argued that the burden of taxation falls leaviest for example, does tax them. Take a brief illustration or op them. It is easier asserting than proving that the two of it

. A Georgia planter has a pound (or any other American tariff imposes duties or bụrdens upou the Ame- quantity) of cotton for sale: it costs him five cents a pound rican producer, as producer merely. I wholly deny that to raise it; its stationary market price here is ten the producer, as such, of cotton, or wheat, or tobacco, cents, and in Englaod fifteen cents a pound; but the British pays the duty or tax upon imports. He must be the ex tariff imposes on it a duty of five cents a pound. Now, it porter as well as owner. A gentleman in Georgia, for is apparent that the planter will realize in England but ten example, sells me a bale of cotton- I pay bim the cash ceris for bis pound of cotton; and that the British duty of for it, and send it to Liverpool. As the owner avd ex- five cents will fall on the consumer. If, however, the porter, if the import duty falls upon either, it falls upon British duty is gradually raised to ten cents a pound, the ine. But, sir, neither the producer, nor the owper or ex. market price there remaining the same, it is then equally porter, pays the import duty, unless he is the consumer of appareut that the pound of cotton here will fall from ten the imported articles. Let us examine it. A cotton to nine, eight, and so on, down to five cents, which will planter, with proper economy, having fed and clothed take away all his profits, and compel the planter to abanhimself and his laborers from his plantation, bas, at the dou the growing of cotton. Hence it is that the American end of the year, a thousand dollars worth of cotton for slipper, wben he sends a cargo of goods to Liverpool, Bale. Now, if he exchanges it with his neighbor for land looks into the British tariff oply. But when he is about to or labor, he pays no duty or tax; if he sells it in Charles purchase, in Liverpool, a cargo of British goods for the ton, New York, or Liverpool, and takes the silver or gold American market, he then looks into the American tariff, bome with him, he yet pays no tax; if he bells it in Liver and also ascertains the price current of British merchandise pool, takes its value in British merchandise, which he in America. Our tariff acts in the same way upon the brings to New York, and disposes of at a profit, he pays foreign producer. The additional duty of five cents a galno tax yet; but, if he takes the merchandise home with lon ou molasses, imposed by the tariff of 1828, did not perhim, and consumes it, then he pays the tax-he pays it as manently raise the price of the article in our market. The the consumer of dutiable goods.

truth is, that the whole additional duty fell upon the West But let us see how the account will stand, upon the sup: India producer. And, sir, this is one of the fundamental position that the exporter and owner pay the duties on laws of trade—it is one which my colleague (Mr. CANimports. By looking into the treasury returns from 1821 BRELENG) seems to have overlooked in drawing his billto 1828, it will be found that, during these eight years, and it is one, it appears to me, that makes it impossible, there were exported, of domestic produce, from Georgia, with due regard to national safety, to adopt a universal thirty-six million three hundred and fifteen thousand seven tariff of duties. hundred and ten dollars; from South Carolina, sixty.one The revenue derived from duties on imports is certainly million five hundred and fifty-three thousand and ninety. a charge upon the natioạ. This no one will deny. The nine dollars ; from Louisiana, sixty-eight million two bun- nution pays it. And so long as the tax is the price of dred and three thousand three hundred and thirty dollars ; protection, the nation is the gainer. Of the gross annual and from New York, one hundred and two million twu amount, every one pays that proportion which is properly hundred and six thousand three hundred and forty dollars. chargeable upon the articles he consumes, and no more. Hence, it appears that Louisiana is the largest southern ex. If be consumes no article upon wbieb a duty is charged. porter, and that New York exports more than South Ca le pays nothing. But, in that case, he receives the benerolina and Georgia together. If, therefore, the exporter fit of protection, without paying any thing for it. And pays the tax, New York pays much the largest part, and when he consumes a dutiable article, it is by no means has the most cause to complain. It is undoubtedly true true that he always pays the full amount of the doty that a part of the exports from New York consisted of charged upon the article ; because it often bappens that the produce of the southern States. So did the produc. the duty is divided between the foreign prodacer and himtions of North Carolina swell the exports from South Ca- self, as the consumer. This result is well known to comrolina, and so alsu did the cotton, tobacco, and grain of the mercial mep. Mississippi increase the exports from Louisiana. All ibis, So far as I could understand the gentleman from Georhowever, alters not the result; for the question is not, gia, (Mr. WAYNE] much of what he said seemed to tend to who is the producer, but who is the exporter? Again, if this conclusion, namely, that if the tariff policy was pot either the producer or exporter pays the import duty, it abandoned speedily, Georgia would withdraw from the is certainly matter of some surprise that northern farmers Union, and that some of the southern States would follow and merchants have not yet discovered that the one or her. He did not say so in terms; but such I understood the other of them was paying to the Government forty to be the result of bis argument-I hope I have mistaken or fifty per cent. upon the value of the flour and other both its tendency and his intention. produce ihey sent abroad.

[Mr. WAYNE disavowed any such intention, and said The gentleman from Georgia [Mr. Wayne) informs there was nothing he deprecated more deeply than such

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| May 13, 1830.]

Navigation and Imposts.

(H. OF R.

an event. He dever would consent to it in any form. His And now, sir, let us see what effect this bill is to bave fixed determination was to resist such a measure to the ut- upon our agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navi: most of his ability

gation. The title of the bills speaks of navigation-but I am indeed rejoiced to hear the worthy gentleman the bill itself proposes a sort of universal tnriff, or scale disavow any such purpose. It is a great relief to me. of import duties, which is to become the standard rule of

Our southern brethren bave too much at stake to hazard every nation and people. ! such a step. I have undiminished confidence in their pa The first section makes this broad proposition to every

triotism, and in their attachment to the Union. Partial foreign Government, namely, if you-Great Britain, for exĮ disaffection is common. Restless and reckless spirits ample-will admit the produce and manufactures of the

pester every community. But, fortunately, words are United States “ at a rate of duty not exceeding thirty per

not deeds; and it generally happens that men bold of cent. on the actual value," we will thereupon admit | tongue are cautious of steel. And whence springs this your produce and manufactures upon "réciprocal terms."

disaffection? What is it about? Why it is, whether the Whenever an arrangement is made, the President is to | import duty shall be ten or fifteen per cent, more or less, announce the fact by proclamation. It is sufficiently ob| on a yard of cloth or a pound of iron! The bare state- vious that any arrangement of this kind must be made | ment should quiet the fears of the timid. There is too either by treaty or by legislation. If by legislation, then | much capital at stake to recede now. The honorable gen- there can be no need of the President's proclamation 1 tleman (Mr. WAYNE) thioks the whole manufacturing ca- because the statutes of the two Governments would ne! pital of the country does not exceed fifty millions of dol- cessarily prescribe the time and manner of carrying it into

fars. This seems to be greatly underrating it. It is, effect. But if by treaty, then the President's proclaperbaps, impossible to ascertain the exact amount ; but I mation would be necessary in that as in every other simi

believe I hazard nothing in saying that, in the State of lar case. Now, either way, it is plain that the power of | New York alone, there is more than fifty millions of dol-Congress to protect the property and labor of our citiilars actually invested in buildings, in machinery, and iv zens, will be gone. This high and essential power, for

other property, the profits of which depend entirely upon which Congress is held justly and severely accountable to | the success of her various manufactures. Great as her the people, will be rashly given up to the President and

shipping interest is, she unquestionably has, at this mo- to foreign nations. I understand from my colleague, [Mr. ment, more property iv factories and workshops, thap in CAMBRELENG] that he expects to accomplish his purpose,

ships. It has been asserted; by those who know better if at all, through the treaty-making power. Let us, there. # thap I do, that there is now employed a capital of some fore, inquire how the thing would work, provided the bill

sixty millions of dollars in our sugar manufacture, the was a law. A negotiation is set on foot-a treaty is made

continued success of which depends upon the protection upon the basis of this novel law~is submitted to the Se. 1 our tariff laws give it.

nate-ratified-approved by the President-and becomes Sir, the gentleman (Mr. WAYNE] was forced to admit the supreme law of the land. Well, sir, if no appropria1 that manufacturing establishments were valuable to the tion is required to carry it into effect, it is not laid before

country around them. Here, they are not clustered in Congress. But if an appropriation is required, then it is large towns, as in England, but are found springing up laid before Congress, and this House is called op for the in all directions, about our numerous waterfalls. In the money : can the House refuse it, without violating the faith States where these establishments are, the lands improve, and honor of the nation ! Clearly not-for this bill pledges aud the inhabitants prosper; but, in the States where they both. What then! Why, though the President and twoare not, the lands deteriorate, and the inhabitants grow thirds of the Senate are the sole judges of this matter, poor. It is so the world over. Experience is daily de- which really relates exclusively to the internal domestic monstrating their great value to the whole country. The policy of the country, Congress can do nothing and State of New York, whence I come, bas a deeper interest though the stipulations in the treaty be ever so bad, the ip maintaining this “ American system” of protecting her people must take them.

capital and industry, than any other State in the Union, To understand fully the mischievous effects of this í And the people of the North and East cavnot give it up: anomalous bill, it is necessary to examine some other pro

With them, it is wholly a question of competency and visions in it. The second section provides that the comfort, or of poverty and want.

“ actual value” of the produce and manufactures of the I do not mean to say that the tariff laws are to remain foreign nation shall be ascertained in the manner“ pre. i uochanged. If they contain some bad provisions, they scribed by existing laws." These existing laws, there.

were not put in by me. They were forced in against my fore, are to be considered, together with the bill, as formconsent. And, being in, I am, for the present, against ing the basis upou which the new arrangements are to be repealing or modifying any of the duties which will affect made. No duty, however, is to be charged on “any the inanufacturing capital or industry of the country. Let nominal valuation, but the charge' is to be on the "acthe experiment be fairly tried. I do, however, menn to tual value” of the articles. And, by the existing laws say that our great national interests—the large amount of here spokea of, which Are our revenue laws, this actual labor and skill, and the enormous capital, which, in va- value is to be ascertained, not in the United States, but rions ways, are employed in manufactures, must be pro- at the place whence the articles of merchandise are im. tected. Whatever may be the rate of duty required, ported. Our role in this respect differs from that of whether high or low, still they must be protected. other nations. The value of an article imported into Whenever the minority, in whose power it always is to Great Britain is ascertained in her own market, and not make a tariff law, either good or bad, will evince a dispo- in the foreign country. For example, an American mer sitioo to arraoge a scale of duties, with a single eye to the chant sends a piece of cotton goods to Liverpool ; its value interests of all concerned, I will join them in the good is ascertained at Liverpont, and the British duty charged work. But I have no desire to have the scenes of 1828 on it. A Leeds mercbant or manufacturer, on the conacted over again. The principal actors in the minority, trary, sends a piece of broadcloth to New York; its value on that occasion, openly avowed their intention to be to is ascertained by our custom-bouse officers, not at New make the tariff bill so bad that the majority would be York, but at Leeds, and the American duty, by this bill, forced to reject it. They were, however, deceived; as is to be charged on that value. Bat this is not the worst Auch minorities commonly are.

of it. Nearly all the American importers have been So much for the remarks of the gentleman from Geor- driven from the British trade, which is now almost wholly gia; (Mr. WAYNE.)

in the hands of the British agents ; and, if our duties were

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